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GOATReads: Psychology

The major schools of thought in psychological counseling

As a professional practice, psychological counseling has evolved through contributions from legends that enriched the domain with their research and practice, and in the process, created the schools of thought that are followed by practitioners even today. Here are the most prominent ones among them: The Albert Ellis Way: Albert Ellis’s approach REBT – Rational Emotive Behavior Therapy – postulates that people’s emotional & behavioral problems are caused by erroneous beliefs about situations they are involved in. To lead a fulfilling life, these disturbance-causing beliefs have to be challenged and changed. The Sigmund Freud Way: Sigmund Freud’s ‘psychoanalytic’ approach says that cognition & behavior is determined by early experiences and instinctual drives that are rooted in a person’s unconscious but are denied entry into conscious by psychological defense mechanisms. This conflict between conscious and unconscious is at the heart of emotional disturbances & conflicts. The cure is to bring the ‘content of the unconscious’ into conscious through therapeutic intervention. The Carl Rogers Way: Carl Rogers developed ‘person-centered therapy’ whose basic premise is that a suffering person already possesses all that is needed to come out of it and flourish. The therapist’s job is to facilitate the person’s natural self-actualizing tendency through three factors – ‘unconditional positive regard’, genuineness and empathetic understanding. The Fritz Perls Way: Fritz’s approach is popularly known as ‘Gestalt Therapy’. Rather than focusing on blocks and unfinished business of past, it encourages client to be ‘here and now’ and utilize the resultant ‘mindfulness’ to become aware of what he or she is doing. This is what triggers willingness and ability to change for better. This approach banks on the proposition that when the client is fully & creatively alive, they are better positioned to make changes and face challenges.    The Aaron Beck Way: Aaron Beck’s approach called CBT – Cognitive Behavioral Therapy – is a ‘problem-focused & action-oriented’ approach which suggests that psychological problems are caused by maladaptive patterns of interaction between the trio of ‘feelings, thoughts and behavior’. CBT addresses these patterns by teaching new information-processing skills and coping mechanisms to the person. The Erik Erikson Way: Erikson’s theory of ‘psychosocial development’ identifies a series of eight stages that an individual passes through in life. Each stage has a negative and positive outcome. While positive outcome aids healthy development of individual, the negative outcome creates incongruence & deficit which then lead to emotional & behavioral problems. Counselor helps the client not only understand ‘what went wrong at which stage’ but also make choices that compensate for what is lost. The counselor also facilitates the alignment of client behavior for positive outcomes in present and future stages. The William Glasser Way: Inspired by the ideas of great Alfred Adler, William Glasser developed ‘Reality Therapy’ which is based on 3 R’s – realism, responsibility and right-and-wrong. It is a present-day non-symptom-focused approach that first makes client realize how their perceptions & imaginations distract them from the choices they control in life, and then helps the client make choices that align with the vision they have for their lives. It also emphasizes on building meaningful relationships to create a conducive psychosocial ecosystem. The Michael White Way: Michael White, along with David Epston, developed ‘Narrative Therapy’ which postulates that a person’s problems are strongly shaped by the story they tell about themselves, and counselor’s job is to help the person create such stories about themselves that are constructive and helpful. Through this process of ‘re-authoring identity’, counselor helps the client identify which values are important to them and how they can utilize their knowledge & skills to live these values. And then there is ‘integrative or holistic’ way in which the counselor or therapist doesn’t limit themselves to any one school of thought but meticulously blends elements from various approaches to exactly suit each client’s specific and individual needs. Source of the article

The Origin of Love and Nightmares

In an unnamed, imaginary city, the government comes up with an idea to salvage its failing economy and latent social crisis: literally sewing living human beings together. Through the “Conjoinment Act,” the authorities match individuals by “height, weight, skin color, age, and metabolic rate” and surgically join them at the shoulder or chest, purporting to free them for life from fear and futility. “Only by being with another person,” explains a psychologist, “can we experience the cycles of joy, heartbreak, harmony, and conflict necessary to arrive at true fulfillment.” Mending transcends metaphor in Hon Lai Chu’s Mending Bodies: to mend is the 縫 of the novel’s original Chinese title《縫身》. 縫 invokes the reparation of sewing, a needle and thread binding disparate bodies— 身—together. Yet consider the affects of conjoinment: the collapse of your individuality, the complete annihilation of your personal spacetime, and the physical toll of the wound crawling down your torso, leaving you “too tired to care about matters of society.” In Hon’s city, conjoined people take a new name after their operation: “It’s both of us or neither of us,” says the first-person narrator’s partner, formerly named Nok. Another character voices the suspicion that conjoinment facets “an elaborate political ploy to make citizens forget about their long campaign for the city’s independence.” All this appears in Hon’s Mending Bodies, published for the first time in English in 2025 in a supple, measured translation by Jacqueline Leung. Both Hon and Leung are from Hong Kong: born in 1978, Hon is one of the territory’s most prolific and admired contemporary authors, and Leung is one of its most talented translators. How could Hon’s “long campaign,” then, not jolt your memory of headlines from Hong Kong in 2014 and 2019? And yet《縫身》was first published in 2010, before Hong Kong’s struggle for democracy made international news or even boiled to fever pitch in the city. Is it possible not to read Mending Bodies as an allegory for Hong Kong, prescient of the city’s present political precarity? Can we separate the literature from the context, the conjoined from each other? If we were to detach it from its accompanying sociopolitical structures, “conjoinment” is a union between two individuals, like marriage or cohabitation. “Apparently, everyone knows the story of the two halves,” writes Roland Barthes, in a fragment titled “Union” in A Lover’s Discourse, “trying to join themselves back together.”1 He means Aristophanes’s fourth-century BC account of the origins of love, first related in Plato’s Symposium. In this story, the earliest humans—who possess two-headed, eight-limbed bodies as a sign of their wholeness—are bisected by the gods, as punishment for trying to topple the divinities. The two halves now spend the rest of their lives attempting to reunite; hence, “love.” This original human, praises Barthes, is a “figure of that ‘ancient unity.’” Yet in trying to draw that remarkable figure, all Barthes’s speaker can muster is a “monstrous, grotesque, improbable body. Out of dreams,” he concludes, “emerges a farce figure.”2 This “farce figure” appears in the very first line of Mending Bodies, when it rings the doorbell. Hon spares no time plunging us into her dreams, whose pathetic fallacy Leung renders in a haunting, minorly surreal key: “It was an afternoon in plum rain season, lush mold blooming all around.” Even though the protagonist herself has been conjoined, she—like Barthes—fixates on the grotesque. On seeing her university friend, May, materialize conjoined from behind the front door, “I couldn’t help but feel shocked [by] the way their bodies clung together … chests drilled and sewn together until their skin, muscles, cartilages, and tissues were connected as if by a small, short bridge.” Thus, Mending Bodies inverts the arc of Aristophanes’s mythos of desire. Here, the one-headed, four-limbed humans—symbols of our lost freedom—are now transformed into two-headed, six-limbed creatures by the government. Or could we say that Mending Bodies perpetuates the myth: a transposed, contemporary sequel to Aristophanes’s tale? What Mending Bodies charts could be the reunion of these once-bisected humans: morally redeemed by their successful return to “ancient unity” and yet “monstrous, grotesque, improbable,” even in Hon’s fictional city where conjoinment is the norm. Yet conjoinment is a union story that, in Westernized imaginations of democratic freedom, monstrously forsakes the citizen’s freedom to choose. In Hon’s city-building—standout for its cogent, poised materialization of social structures in a mode akin to social science fiction—“[conjoinment] was not [the narrator’s] decision, nor was it any individual’s decision.” Instead, conjoinment figures as a “collective responsibility” to be borne without protest or complaint; it is the duty of an individual active in the national framework, just like “being born and becoming a person, a woman, a man.” Under the auspices of mending—the ethical weight of its value judgment—conjoinment espouses the public ideal of the one-stop happy ending: the static beatification of those who physically unite. But as Anne Carson asks in her hermeneutics of desire, Eros the Bittersweet: “Was it the case that the round beings of [Aristophanes’s] fantasy remained perfectly content rolling about the world in prelapsarian oneness? No. They got big ideas and started rolling toward Olympus to make an attempt on the gods. “They began reaching for something else. So much for oneness.”3 Is it the case that the conjoined beings of Hon’s fantasy remain perfectly content in postlapsarian oneness, their bodies “mended”? No. In fact, we know this Carson-esque rejection from the outset. Our speaker is nostalgic for the days when she was just a nonconjoined “wisp of soul,” to the extent that she asks her conjoined other, Nok, to take sleeping pills so they can “dream different dreams.” In her pivot from Hon’s passive, first-person singular in the original Chinese, Leung translates the dissent from this lack of choice into the collective plural of the narrator’s fellow citizens: “Only a long time later, when I stepped into adulthood, did I learn that a certain ambivalence toward policies we had no power over was the last effective resort for protecting our remaining freedoms. If we obeyed as if it didn’t really matter, or carefully looked for the loopholes, we could secretly map the limits of their control.” Not only are the citizens of Hon’s world compelled to conjoin their bodies, they also cannot choose the body to whom that invasive surgery will irrevocably fasten them. Beyond the strictures of the law, this compulsion is enacted more persuasively through social normification and peer pressure. Mother, doctor, “the staff at the matching center … over the phone,” friends: all applaud the narrator’s conjoinment; and she “recognize[s] that they weren’t cheering for us but for themselves: us becoming part of the conjoinment population was an encouragement that strengthened their beliefs and validated their own choices.” These minor epiphanies and moments of recognition are a recurring motif in Mending Bodies, their echoes amplified by the somatic stakes of Hon’s ‘social science’ structure-building and her narrator’s acute observations. In their first year at university—before conjoinment—the narrator and May strip naked in their dorm room to conduct their regular activities, “read[ing] a book, [drinking] tea”: “That was the moment when we realized that people weren’t bound by the gaze and criticism of others, but the habits we had normalized ourselves.” Later, as our narrator leans into her fearful fascination with conjoinment, their friendship faces unmendable schisms. “It felt like [May] wasn’t taking me seriously, but a long time later, I understood that maybe she just lacked the courage to face things as they were.” By things, we understand the protagonist to mean conjoinment’s choicelessness, its faceless impositions, orchestrated by the matching center’s deceptive “chance occurrence. … Yet change”—concrete, irreversible—“always starts from small, unidentified moments—by the time I realized just how critical this was, I was already a poor swimmer flailing in a maelstrom.” Carson’s genius in Eros the Bittersweet is to visualize desire as a tripointed constellation: lover, beloved, and intransigent third party. These three are simultaneously magnified to and repelled from each other by lack, the active vector that necessarily enables desire. From Carson’s poetic exegesis, we learn how to read the triangular dynamics of an erotic or psychic union: “Conjoined they are held apart. … The third component plays a paradoxical role for it both connects and separates.”4 Here, in Mending Bodies, that is embodied not only in the conjoinment between our speaker and Nok, but in the fusional, bitter friendship between her and May. Between Nok, May, and the narrator, who is the third party? The answer is that no matter which side of the triangle you ponder, one point will always stand out. It is May who first veers toward conjoinment, lured by its promise of financial stability, even as she denounced it, early in the novel’s chronology, as “groom[ing] to become part of a dominant population that pushes others to the periphery of our society.” Meanwhile, our narrator, now in her final year of university, begins to research her dissertation under the supervision of a slippery, legless professor nicknamed Foot, who counsels her: “Make the fear that paralyzes you in your sleep real. Stand before it—don’t turn away—and look. Record it if you can.” And so the friction between her minor metanoias, the pressure to conform, and her paralyzing fear usher our narrator toward the heart of her obsession, her dissertation topic: “Third Identities and Hidden Selves—the Faces of Conjoinment.” In it, she takes an anthropological slant to the “origins of conjoinment,” to explore “the shadow that still exists between two bodies when they are connected, how it flourishes and expands, and whether it is capable of birthing new selves.” Hon’s speaker recounts the psychological experiments of fear and self-actualization conducted by fictional researchers (one is called David Lynch), detailed in fictional monographs: “Therefore, the only thing that can grow between two bodies where distance is impossible is hatred.” She analyzes the cases of fictional Siamese twins: “According to Erich Fromm’s psychoanalyst theory, Evelyn had a masochistic character, meaning she would rather surrender her freedom than face the fear of taking control over her solitude. … But the question is, how is freedom defined?” (She does not mention Aristophanes’s myth but references fictional legends from non-European cultures.) Hon’s formal boldness sutures the supposed extracts of her narrator’s dissertation to her first-person, past-tense narrative, alternating from chapter to chapter. This metatextual conjoinment performs an extraordinary feat of mapping: that of the limits of narrative freedom. Hon’s metatextual narrative technique emphasizes the dissonant voices of distinct forms, impossible to seamlessly conjoin yet conditioned here by her choice of structure. Enmeshed in the psychic social architecture of repression and lack, the protagonist nevertheless decides to retell the story of conjoinment, and to do so in a way that contradicts the top-down, essentialist narrative pitched by the authorities. This discordancy juts out, particularly where active ambivalence is the norm of dissent. Teasing out the narrator’s sliver of putative freedoms, pitting her logic of epiphany against the politics of her city, Hon’s consummate world-building commends the speaker’s voltas of recognition to our lived reality. Aren’t we all the “poor swimmer flailing in a maelstrom”? Another meta-layer in Hon’s exploration of unmelding bodies is the novel’s take on insomnia, its evocation of the paradox between sleeplessness and dreams. In《縫身》’s afterword—untranslated into English—Hon briefly describes the chronic insomnia she experienced as she wrote the novel: how this sleeplessness quite literally, absurdly, seeped into her surface dreams; how she “transformed [her] dreams into the material of [her] novel,” bending her disorder into lucid prose, permeating the language and mood of another, unreal city.5 Similarly, dreams circulate through the nervous system of the novel, as stories, memories, immediate experience, and as they fuse with the novel’s textual fabric, so its interpenetrating structures of dream and reality crumble. This can be seen in Bak, one of the characters of our narrator’s dreams. Bak mutates into something closer to a signifier of pervasion and transgression; indeed, his name in Hon’s Chinese original means “white,” as though he were a void of light. As our narrator’s insomnia consumes her nights, May schedules her an appointment with a sleep therapist. Their first meeting is one of those “small, unidentified moments” that spiral into—by Hon’s deft design of growing ambiguity—a gripping, gloomy alarm, a total sense of abjection. “I grew to understand,” translates Leung in the deceptively sedate pitch of another minor epiphany, “that in certain states of existence, to live was really just another form of death.” In Leung’s brilliant, punning transliteration of her and Hon’s Cantonese, the sleep therapist is named Lok—「樂」. Polysemous, pronounced Lok6 or Nok6 depending on context, “Lok” tends to be translated as “happiness”: “not … ‘Nok’ as in music, the sounds people use to numb their emotions.” Double-edged, contradictory, the contranym of 樂 conjoins corrosive meanings; or, personified in the sleep therapist’s ungraspable identity, the contrast between Lok and Nok conjures a slip into dreams, even nightmares. “The round beings” of Barthes’s farcical improbability also “began reaching for something else” in Carson’s retelling of Aristophanes’s “fantasy.”6 After her conjoinment with Nok, the societal aspiration of wholeness realized, what does our narrator begin to reach for? Reading Leung’s version of Mending Bodies in 2025—15 years after《縫身》’s publication—what do we begin to dream of? Our narrator, for her part, remains mired in the idea that “every sleep is, in fact, a temporary death.” But, in these 15 years, the limits of freedom on Hong Kong’s map have significantly contracted, and “sleep” and “dreaming” have come to mean something else since the pro-democracy movement of 2019. They are metaphors for distinct states of resistance against imposed origin narratives, against the real, encroaching superstructures of censorship and control. Thus, there is something terribly resonant in Leung’s post-2019 translation of Mending Bodies—especially considering Leung’s Americentric Anglophone audience, who might be most familiar with Hong Kong for its recent political predicaments. Yet the city of Leung’s translation has no name at all—not in Hon’s original, either. As such, it could, ostensibly, be any city on Earth, fictional or not. (Certainly, Hong Kong is not the only body politic to encounter imposed silences and revisions of its history.) Ultimately, Mending Bodies’s only links with Hong Kong are that both Hon and Leung are from there, and that some of its characters carry Cantonese names. That said, Hong Kong has become an apt prism through which to probe the skin tissue between state violence and victimization, and the widening wounds to personal freedom. In another book, 《黑日》 (Darkness under the Sun), published in Taipei in 2020 and as yet untranslated, Hon writes: “Solitude isn’t what saddens you. A lot of the time, solitude is a kind of freedom. What really sets you at a loss is that you have no way to be truly alone. There’s a part of you that’s always connected to a collective flesh-and-blood.”7 Published 10 years after Mending Bodies, Darkness under the Sun is a staggeringly sensitive nonfiction account of Hon’s experiences during the 2014 Umbrella Revolution and the 2019 pro-democracy movement. And, indeed, the book appears to treat a lot of the same material that Mending Bodies engages with: questions of social belonging, the right to choose, and human relationships in times of collective loss, mediated by the capitalistic, cutthroat conditions of working and writing in Hong Kong. As Mending Bodies’s narrator observes (on the website of an underground charity she encounters during her research): “SEPARATION IS A BASIC HUMAN RIGHT.” Yet there is a part of her that will always remain connected, that cannot be excised. The exceptional clarity of this lived paradox is what we begin reaching for. So much for conjoinment. Source of the article

Roaming rocks

As geological sites go, this one is easy to miss. It’s just a low rise of exposed rock along a back road in northern Wisconsin, outside a town whose one claim to fame is a tavern that the gangster John Dillinger used as a hideout in the 1930s. Even though I’ve been to this outcrop many times before, I drive right past it on this autumn day and need to look for a place where it’s possible for three university vans to turn around. We manage to make the manoeuvre, come back from the other direction, and park on the shoulder. Students spill out of the vehicles, clearly underwhelmed, puzzled at why we’ve bothered to stop here. They don’t yet realise that this is a secret portal into Earth’s interior. I urge them to look closely, to get down on hands and knees for a few minutes, use their magnifying glasses, and then tell me what they see. There’s a little moaning – they’re getting hungry, and we’ve already seen a lot of rocks today – but everybody complies. Within a minute, I start to hear exclamations that make me smile: Hey, look at all that biotite! And tonnes of tiny red garnets! What are those bluish crystals – kyanite? The students’ initial disinterest turns to respect; they understand that the rocks have taken a journey no human ever could. We’ve talked in class about rocks like these: mica schists, and their improbable biographies; how they are emissaries bearing news from alien realms. But it’s different to see them up close, in their current resting state. By geological classification, these rocks are ‘metamorphic’, meaning that they have been transformed under punishing heat and pressure beneath the surface – and then, astonishingly, come back up. Unlike an igneous basalt crystallised from lava, or a sedimentary sandstone laid down by water, metamorphic rocks form in one environment, then go on journeys deep in the crust. This makes them the itinerant ‘travel writers’ of the rock world, returning to tell us about the restless, animate, hidden nature of the solid Earth. At each stage of their pilgrimages, they preserve a record of their experiences, and through them we can gain a glimpse of inaccessible subsurface worlds – places that we humans may never encounter directly. The metamorphic schists my students and I are analysing in Wisconsin would have had humble beginnings as mucky, muddy sediments – the weathered residuum of still older rocks – on an ancient seabed. As more sediment blanketed and buried them, these muds lost contact with the hectic surface world, the commotion of wind and waves. Under the growing weight of the overlying deposits, the mud was compelled to let go of its natal seawater, becoming ever denser and more compact, and finally solidifying into mudstone, or shale. Millions of years pass. The geography of the world changes with the neverending dance of tectonic plates. One day, the shale finds itself in the vice-like squeeze of colliding continents, folded deep into the interior of a mountain belt. The pressure at such depths is extreme. The fine clay minerals in the shale, now far from the shallow marine waters in which they formed, can no longer hold their shape. Their chemical bonds weaken, their grain boundaries become diffuse, and a remarkable transfiguration begins. The elements within, previously part of a rigid crystal scaffolding, are now free to wander. Atoms of aluminium, silicon, magnesium and iron, surprised at their unaccustomed mobility, form new alliances and reconfigure themselves as minerals comfortable at these depths and temperatures: shiny black biotite, wine-dark garnet, and sky-blue kyanite. Intellectually, I understand the cause of metamorphism: it’s the thermodynamic imperative for crystals to reconfigure themselves into forms that are stable under new temperature and pressure conditions, in the same way that powdery snow transforms with burial to glacial ice. Still, the process strikes me as deeply mysterious, a kind of natural alchemy. Metamorphic literally means ‘after-formed’, an apt description of these shape-shifting rocks. Prosaic mud reinvents itself as resplendent mica schist, dull limestones transubstantiate into milky marbles, sandstones are reincarnated as luminous quartzites – even though in their subterranean world there is no light to reveal their beautiful new guises. It’s like meeting the same person as a child and as an adult on one day The mountains that harboured our schists eventually attained their maximum heights, and the tectonic action moved elsewhere. Erosion, intent on enforcing topographic egalitarianism, set to work dismantling them, focusing with special ferocity on the summits in the heart of the range. For the schists, this was the start of a slow pilgrimage back to the surface. Eventually they would feel the wind and sunlight again, testifying to anyone listening about the lofty peaks that once loomed here. I ask my students to recall an earlier stop about 50 km to the north, where we saw some dark-grey mudstones. When I tell them those rocks were the progenitors of these garnet-biotite-kyanite schists – part of the same stratum, but never buried to such depths – they are stunned, and even strangely moved; it’s like meeting the same person as a child and as an adult on one day. Knowing what these rocks once looked like makes their journey feel more real and remarkable. Most people would identify space as the ‘final frontier’, the last unexplored territory. But consider this asymmetry: high-altitude aircraft routinely fly 15 km above the surface of Earth, and two dozen humans have made the 384,000 km voyage to the Moon. Our satellites now clutter the outer edge of the atmosphere, and we’ve sent rovers to Mars. The Voyager 1 spacecraft left our solar system in 2012 and continues to hurtle into interstellar space. Yet no person has ever been much more than 4 km into the subsurface (the reach of the deepest mine, a gold operation in South Africa). Even our mechanical proxies haven’t gone much further. In a ridiculous Cold War competition, the USSR and NATO countries tried to best each other in deep drilling. The Soviets won that event, with a hole drilled into granites on Russia’s Kola Peninsula that managed to reach 12 km before the bit became ineffective, softened by geothermal heat. That’s little more than a long walk – about the distance from the north end of Central Park to the ferry terminals at Manhattan’s southern tip. We do have ways of making indirect inferences about the composition of Earth’s interior – most importantly, by observing how seismic waves propagate through rocks far below the surface. But the only physical samples we have of the lower crust and mantle are metamorphic rocks, like our Wisconsin schists, that have spent time at inaccessible depths and then helpfully made the long trek back up to share with us surface-dwellers what they witnessed. In my teaching, I sometimes struggle to convey the weirdness of metamorphism. The three main categories of rock – igneous, sedimentary and metamorphic – are akin to different literary genres. Igneous rocks are like action-packed thrillers, telling dramatic tales of volcanism and roiling magma chambers. Sedimentary rocks are serious historical tomes, admirably thorough but sometimes dull. Metamorphic rocks, in comparison, have a much greater range of narrative arcs and defy easy categorisation. Their early chapters could be igneous or sedimentary, but then the action veers in a completely different direction, with the mineral protagonists finding themselves in alien territory and having to find ways to adjust. It’s as if, midway through a scholarly biography of Lord Nelson, the scene shifts to the seafloor and he becomes Captain Nemo. We’ve observed metamorphism – technically ‘solid-state recrystallisation’ of rocks – since at least the mid-1800s. However, our modern understanding is usually traced to work done in the 1910s and ’20s. Back then, geologists understood deep time, but they were only beginning to grapple with the idea that an internal engine fuelled by radioactive heat animates our planet. It was decades before the theory of plate tectonics would emerge and provide the explanatory framework for how mountains form and rocks could travel to new environments. In the Scottish Highlands, geologists were mapping a complexly deformed sequence of sedimentary rocks called the Dalradian Series. We now know that these rocks record the growth of the hemisphere-scale Caledonian-Appalachian mountain chain during the assembly of Pangaea, but at that time, when continents were thought to be rooted in place, the global context of the Highland rocks was not understood. During their mapping of the Grampian Region, geologists carefully recorded the minerals in a metamorphosed mudstone. These included biotite, garnet and kyanite, the same colourful characters my students recognised in the Wisconsin schist. At the time, geologists thought that metamorphism was caused solely by heat. So it was a surprise when they found no kyanite in similarly heated Dalradian mudstones just to the northeast of Scotland, in the Buchan district. We can now simulate the high pressure and temperature conditions of metamorphism in a lab Instead, the Buchan rocks were dotted with a cream-coloured mineral called andalusite, which sometimes occurs in the shape of a stubby cross. Why the difference? This seemed akin to putting two cakes made with the same batter in the oven at the same time and emerging with completely different flavours. One clue was that andalusite and kyanite have the same chemical composition and formula – Al2SiO5 – but different crystal structures. They are ‘polymorphs’ of each other, in the same way that graphite and diamond are both crystalline varieties of carbon but with distinct molecular forms. A second important observation was that kyanite is significantly denser than andalusite, indicating that its crystal structure is more compact – and formed under greater pressure. This was the solution to the Dalradian mystery: metamorphic reactions, and the metamorphic minerals that record them, are functions of both temperature and pressure. Around the same time in the 1910s-20s, working independently, the Finnish geologist Pentti Eskola had come to the same conclusion as his British counterparts. Based on his deep knowledge of the Baltic Shield’s geology, Eskola plotted the relative positions of various metamorphic rocks on a graph of pressure vs temperature, creating the first, rough metamorphic phase diagram. He anticipated a time when the stability fields – the native habitats or ‘comfort zones’ – of metamorphic minerals could be determined quantitatively, and the obscure dialects of metamorphic rocks could be translated. A century later, Eskola’s vision has been achieved. It’s now possible to simulate the high pressure and temperature conditions of metamorphism in laboratory experiments and coax tiny amounts of minerals like garnet, kyanite and andalusite to form. We now have detailed metamorphic phase diagrams for rocks of all starting compositions, and their travel itineraries can be reconstructed in detail. Some metamorphic reactions – like the conversion of graphite to diamond – are primarily sensitive to pressure, with temperature playing only a secondary role. These reactions are known as ‘geobarometers’ – because the presence of one mineral or the other tightly constrains the pressures that the rocks endured. Conversely, temperature-sensitive but pressure-independent reactions are ‘geothermometers’, reliable indicators of past temperatures. Like explorers carefully keeping a log of their latitude and longitude, metamorphic rocks thus record their ‘coordinates’ in pressure-temperature space. This information, in combination with methods for dating minerals using natural radioactivity, makes it possible to track metamorphic rocks in space and time. Eskola would have been pleased and astonished. Under the microscope, metamorphic rocks are like exquisite illuminated manuscripts, with interlacing minerals chronicling their hidden, subterranean experiences. Crystals that grew in distinct episodes over time will develop concentric bands like tree rings, and early formed minerals may be engulfed or rimmed by later ones. On the way to becoming schist, a mudstone might first have been a slate, and garnets that overgrew the slate’s aligned minerals can preserve a record of that stage even when the slaty texture has been erased in the rest of the rock – like a tree that grew around the wires of an old fence that has long since been removed. Microscopic observations, together with laboratory experiments, have also shown that fluids in the crust – mainly water, but also carbon dioxide, and various elements dissolved in these phases – are as important as temperature and pressure in governing metamorphic reactions. Water’s presence dictates the temperatures and rates at which reactions occur, and on a watery planet this is the rule rather than the exception. Indeed, the one important scientific result of the absurd and expensive Cold War race to drill the deepest hole was the discovery that water (in a supercritical form, neither liquid nor gas) occurred even at the greatest depths reached. Some of my own work in western Norway, another part of the great Caledonian-Appalachian mountain chain, has shown that, in the complete absence of fluids, metamorphism may not happen at all. Just north of Bergen, rocks that were once deep in the heart of that great mountain range are exposed on the ice-scoured and windswept island of Holsnøy. Tiny Holsnøy is disproportionately famous among geologists because it provides a kind of ‘counterfactual’ glimpse of an Earth in which crustal rocks are devoid of water. It provides a ‘real-time’ view of metamorphic processes too deep in the crust for us ever to witness The rocks on Holsnøy have the composition of basalt, the rock that makes up the ocean crust. They experienced two distinct mountain-building events, one about 900 million years ago and another around 400 million years ago – and in both cases were subjected to extreme metamorphic conditions. During the first event, the rocks experienced moderate pressures, at 25 km depth, but very high temperatures – close to their melting point – so hot that all water in hydrous minerals was ‘baked’ out, leaving an exceptionally dry rock mass. Five hundred million years later, these parched rocks found themselves even deeper in the crust – more than 45 km down – but at less extreme temperatures. At such depth, they should have completely converted, via metamorphic recrystallisation, to a dense, improbably beautiful rock called eclogite, with raspberry garnets set in a field of grass-green pyroxene (and a particular favourite of Eskola’s). But, oddly, eclogite on Holsnøy occurs only along narrow zones and bands constituting perhaps 30 per cent of the rock mass. The eclogite-forming metamorphic reactions were for some reason frozen in action, leaving converted and unconverted rock in juxtaposition and providing a rare, close-up, ‘real-time’ view of the metamorphic processes that happen too deep in the crust for us ever to witness. How could the rocks on Holsnøy have ignored the thermodynamic edict, under very literal pressure, to recrystallise entirely to eclogite? The answer seems to be the extraordinary dryness of the rocks at the time they were at eclogite-forming depths. Without water, atoms can move through rocks only by the arduous process of diffusion, which is tortuously slow, like driving a car in urban gridlock. Metamorphic reactions in the complete absence of water would be so sluggish that they would not happen even on geologic timescales. In contrast, when water is present, atoms can slip into solution and hitch a ride, akin to hopping on the subway and moving swiftly through the city. Transported quickly to new sites, the elements in rocks can easily reorganise themselves, and build minerals that are stable under the new conditions. We think that, on Holsnøy, eclogite-forming reactions were suppressed by the lack of water until several large earthquakes shattered the unusually dry rocks and allowed limited amounts of external fluids to enter along fractures, forming the localised lenses of eclogite that are so odd and remarkable. Equally remarkable is the fact that these rocks ever made it all the way back to the surface, via tectonic uplift and tenacious erosion, to be marvelled at by human pilgrims. This might seem an arcane story about weird rocks from a remote place, but it illuminates some fundamental truths about Earth’s plate tectonic system, and in particular its signature process of subduction. Along subduction zones, like the one sitting off Japan’s east coast, basaltic ocean crust plunges into the mantle. Subduction of the ocean floor is Earth’s brilliant recycling and rejuvenation system, and without it our planet would be utterly different. However, slabs of ocean crust would be too buoyant to sink very far into the mantle if they did not convert to their much denser metamorphic form: eclogite. To me, one of the strangest things about Earth is that basalt – which is derived from the mantle – can be recrystallised at high pressure into eclogite, which is denser than the mantle. Our work on Holsnøy suggests that, in the absence of water, the basalt-eclogite conversion would not happen, deep subduction would be impossible, and the planet’s tectonic system would be utterly different. Water-mediated metamorphism, in other words, is the key to plate tectonics, which rejuvenates topography, replenishes the atmosphere, and keeps the planet in a constant state of renewal. Only Earth rocks have the chance to study abroad, wander the globe, dive into the crust and recreate themselves More generally, given the crucial role of water in their formation, metamorphic rocks of any type (except those created by brute force in meteorite impacts) may be unique in the solar system. And in the absence of plate tectonics, which is also unique to Earth, opportunities for rocks to travel to new environments, and thereby be transformed, would be limited anyway. Moon rocks collected in the Apollo missions, and rare meteorites that have come to us from Mars, attest to our harrowing bombardment by space debris but have no stories to tell about adventures on their own worlds. Despite their long trips to Earth, these rocks are strangely naive, inexperienced. Only Earth rocks have the chance to study abroad, wander the globe, dive into the crust and recreate themselves. In fact, metamorphic rocks are actually the dominant type on Earth, because most rocks, if they are around long enough, will find themselves in new environments. It is our good fortune to have such an abundance of metamorphic rocks in our midst, with insights to share not only about their origins but everything they’ve experienced since. It’s not too much of a stretch to say that they are responsive, even sentient, in that they ‘perceive’ their surroundings and change in response. Their stories are genuinely epic: the journey of a rock like our Wisconsin schist from the surface to the centre of a mountain belt and back echoes the narrative arc of katabasis and anabasis in Greek myth: the protagonist’s descent into the Underworld, the tribulations experienced there, and the eventual return, with hard-won wisdom, to the land of the living. Metamorphic rocks embody the animate, resilient, creative nature of the solid Earth. For us mortal Earthlings, they speak of the possibility of reinvention, the beauty of transformation – and the ephemerality of any particular version of the world. It’s getting late, almost time to leave. In the slanting rays of the late afternoon sunlight, a sense of serenity fills me as I watch students crawling across this easily missed outcrop of mica schist on their hands and knees, like supplicants approaching a holy shrine. Source of the article

GOATReads: History

How a Sentimental Yiddish Song Became a Worldwide Hit—and a Nazi Target

Sophie Tucker was best known for her sexy songs—crowd-pleasers that showed off her curves, her sass, and her frank love of men and money. But when the singer took to the stage in 1925, something else was on her mind: her mother. That night, Tucker debuted a new song. Instead of singing about dating or success, it was about a successful person mourning her departed Jewish mother—an angelic “yiddishe momme” who had suffered in life, but was now dead. Performed in both English and Yiddish, the song was a hit. When Tucker finished, there wasn’t a dry eye in the house. And though she felt a deep personal connection to the song, she had no idea she had just performed an anthem. The 1928 record for Columbia sold over a million copies. Performed in both Yiddish and English, "My Yiddishe Momme" took the world by storm during the 1920s and 1930s, giving voice to many immigrants' complicated feelings about assimilation and the sorrow of losing a mother. But the song was more than a tearjerker, or an American phenomenon. “My Yiddishe Momme” would go on to play an unexpected role in Nazi Germany and even the Holocaust. The song hit a nerve with Jewish and non-Jewish audiences alike, writes biographer Lauren Rebecca Sklaroff. “The singer was steadfast in her explanation that the song was meant for all listeners,” she notes. But it expressed a bittersweet emotion that would have rung true to audiences of immigrant and second-generation Jews who were far from home and whose mothers had sacrificed to make their lives better. My yiddishe momme I need her more then ever now My yiddishe momme I'd like to kiss that wrinkled brow I long to hold her hands once more as in days gone by And ask her to forgive me for things I did that made her cry The song was written by lyricist Jack Yellen and composer Lew Pollack. Yellen is best known for writing upbeat hits like “Ain’t She Sweet” and “Happy Days Are Here Again.” He had something in common with Sophie Tucker: Both were Jews who emigrated to the United States as children in the late 19th century, and both were drawn to New York’s burgeoning Yiddish theater scene. At the time, Jewish immigrants were flooding to the United States, driven from their homes by pogroms, institutional discrimination, and anti-Semitism that made life in Eastern Europe intolerable. Between 1881 and 1924, about 2.5 million Jewish people came to the United States from Eastern Europe in search of opportunity and religious freedom. They brought the Yiddish language with them, and soon Yiddish papers, books and theatrical productions boomed in New York. The city was “the undisputed world capital of the Yiddish stage,” writes Yiddish scholar Edna Nahshon, and it attracted star talent like Tucker. She had begun her career wearing blackface and performing in minstrel shows, but eventually made her name by defying her producers, revealing her Jewish identity and refusing to perform her act in blackface. By the time she met Yellen, Tucker was a bona fide star, renowned for an act that included references to her plus-sized figure and a comic, partially spoken singing style. “My Yiddishe Momme” was a departure—a sorrowful song that acknowledged Tucker’s Jewish roots. When she debuted the song, her own mother was ailing. Her mother died soon after it became a bestseller. In 1930, the song inspired a film, Mayne Yiddishe Mame, the first Yiddish musical on film and one of the first times Yiddish was used in a talking picture. In 1931 Tucker took her show to Europe. But not everyone loved the song. During a performance in France, she sang the song to a mixed group of Jewish and gentile theatergoers. During her performance, anti-Semitic tensions in the crowd boiled over as gentiles booed and Jews shouted at them. The shouting match “threatened to turn into a riot,” writes biographer Armond Fields, and Tucker quickly switched songs. It was a taste of things to come. When Hitler came to power in 1933, “My Yiddishe Momme” was one of the songs banned and destroyed by the Nazis. “I was hopping mad,” wrote Tucker blithely. “I sat right down and wrote a letter to Herr Hitler which was a masterpiece. To date, I have never had an answer.” Later, the song she popularized was sung in concentration camps by Jewish victims of the Holocaust. After the war, reports The New York Times, Yiddish song archivist Chana Mlotek heard from a former concentration camp inmate who remembered a German guard being so affected by the song that he told his guards to give the Jewish prisoners more to eat. The story was corroborated by others who witnessed the incident. During World War II, Tucker performed for American troops. Meanwhile, her plaintive song even became part of a soldier’s tragic story at the end of World War II. After the war, reports the BBC World Service, Tucker received a letter from Robert Knowles, an Army soldier who had heard a Jewish comrade talk about his longing to hear Tucker’s song played on the streets of Berlin. “We did reach Berlin, four days after the war was over,” he told Tucker. By then his friend, Al, was dead. So Knowles and his fellow soldiers devised a tribute: They rigged up a record player on a truck and drove around the city playing “My Yiddishe Momme” at full volume. “Might I say that you gave a wonderful performance,” Knowles wrote. “You sang…for over three hours, and didn’t even get hoarse. I was proud of you that day, and I think that Al was too, for I am sure that he knew about it….The record was old and believe me very scratched, but you were in voice my friend, you were in voice.” Today, “My Yiddishe Momme” is seen by scholars as an expression of the guilt and nostalgia of Jews like Tucker and Yellen who felt the pressures of assimilation and accomplishment that came with the Jewish immigrant experience. For Jewish immigrants to the United States and Holocaust survivors alike, the song spoke to the importance of family and the resilience and sacrifice of Jewish women: How few were her pleasures, she never cared for fashion's styles Her jewels and treasures she found them in her baby's smiles Oh I know that I owe what I am today To that dear little lady so old and gray  To that wonderful yiddishe momme of mine The song’s popularity survived into Tucker’s old age, but Yiddish vaudeville and theater didn’t. Over the years, the use of Yiddish declined among American Jews, and Yiddish theater slowly gave way to Broadway. But Tucker remained proudly, openly Jewish and devoted time, energy and money to raising funds to help other Jewish performers and raise money to help Jews displaced by the Holocaust. She would perform the mournful “mama” song for the rest of her life. It was later recorded by Billie Holiday, Tom Jones, and Ray Charles. Even today, the nostalgic lyrics of “My Yiddishe Momme” evoke sorrow and love in listeners—but its most enduring legacy may be the one it left to people who drew on the song for hope and comfort during the darkest hours of the Holocaust. Source of the article

GOATReads: Psychology

Screen Time and Mental Illness: Is More Always Worse?

Is more screen time always bad for adolescents? Parents are often concerned that too much screen time (e.g., time spent looking at social media apps on smartphones, monitors while gaming, or TV while watching series or movies) may negatively affect the mental health of their kids. There is indeed ample psychological research that supports this idea. For example, a recent integration of meta-analyses containing data from more than 1.9 million people showed a statistically significant association between increased time spent on social media and depression (Sanders and co-workers, 2024). But is it really that easy, or could there be other, previously unidentified, factors that are crucial to understand the relationship between screen time and mental health? A new study on time spent on social media, gaming, and TV, and mental health problems A new study published October 2nd, 2025, in the scientific journal Psychiatry Research analyzed data from more than 23,000 Norwegian adolescents aged between 14 and 16 years, focusing on screen time for social media, gaming, and TV and mental health problems (Frei and co-workers, 2025). The following mental health problems were considered: Substance abuse Schizophrenia bipolar disorder depression anxiety eating disorders hyperkinetic disorders pervasive developmental disorders Importantly, the scientists who conducted the study entitled “The phenotypic and genetic relationship between adolescent mental health and time spent on social media, gaming, and TV,” also analyzed genetic data from the people involved in the study. Genes are a factor that is typically not analyzed in studies on screen time and mental health, but they may be highly relevant, as many mental health disorders are strongly affected by genetic variations between people. What did the scientists find out? Overall, 3,829 participants had a psychiatric diagnosis, while the others did not. For all three screen time types (TV, gaming, and social media), there were clear associations with mental illness: 1. Adolescents, who watched TV three to four hours a day or more had a significantly higher chance of having a psychiatric diagnosis compared to adolescents who watched less TV. 2. For gaming, adolescents who spent the least amount of time gaming had a lower chance of having a psychiatric diagnosis than other adolescents. In contrast, adolescents who played video games for three to four hours a day or more had a significantly higher chance of having a psychiatric diagnosis compared to adolescents who spent less time gaming. 3. For social media use, adolescents who spent the most time on social media, but also those who spent the least time on social media, had a significantly higher chance of having a psychiatric diagnosis compared to other adolescents. In addition to formal psychiatric diagnoses, the scientists also considered self-reported symptoms by the participants in their analyses. It was found that spending three to four or more hours watching screens over a single day was associated with higher symptom severity scores. In the last analyses, the scientists used the genetic data collected from the participants to determine their individual genetic risks for various mental health disorders. Interestingly, the risk scores for depression, ADHD, autism spectrum disorder, and anorexia nervosa showed significant associations with screen time. This suggests that the genetic risk for these disorders could also have an impact on screen time. The scientists who used advanced statistical models to find out, to which the association between screen time and mental health disorders could be attributable to genetic effects. Takeaway: Consider genetics When scientists find an association between social media use and mental health problems, it is typically hard to tell the direction of the effect. On the one hand, too much social media use may lead to loneliness and losing friends in real life, and this could then lead to mental problems. On the other hand, someone with mental health problems may have issues having a rich social life and then spends more time on social media because they are bored or want to find helpful advice. The results of the study show that both ideas may be too simplistic and that, in fact, genetic liability for a disorder may also lead to liability for increased screen time. Moreover, the study found an interesting result in that adolescents with the lowest time on social media also had an increased risk for mental health issues. This may reflect that some adolescents with problems that affect social functioning, such as autism spectrum disorders, may have problems connecting with other people even on social media. An important finding that deserves more research! Key points • A new study investigated the association of screen time for social media, gaming and TV and mental health. • The scientists also considered a large number of genetic influences on psychiatric disorders. • Adolescents who spent 3 to 4 hours or more watching screens had a higher chance of having a mental disorder. • Genetic influences explained a considerable amount of the association between screen time and mental health. Source of the article

GOATReads: Philosophy

Revolutionary tolerance

In an age of ferocious religious bloodletting, Sebastian Castellio argued that everyone seems like a heretic to someone else Born in 1515, Sebastian Castellio lived in an age of execution. In terms of judicial killings in Europe, the period between 1500 and 1700 outstripped any era before or after. The new heresies of the Protestant Reformation prompted an initial burst of executions: approximately 5,000 people were put to death for their religious beliefs in the 16th century. This was followed by far deadlier witch hunts, which saw about 50,000 people legally exterminated for witchcraft. Most terrifying for ordinary Christians was the fact that the standards of orthodox thought and behaviour shifted like the sand. One minute, Henry VIII was killing Protestants; the next, Catholics. His daughter Mary earned her ‘bloody’ nickname by executing the very Protestants who had been in favour under her half-brother Edward VI. If we add to the death toll the millions of people who died in the Thirty Years’ War and other Wars of Religion, we see that heresy could be truly lethal. In the midst of this fear and uncertainty, Castellio, a professor of Greek, stepped back from the dogmatic clashes of the day. Rather than echo the calls for battle, he issued a plea for toleration. His great insight was that everyone was a heretic according to somebody else. Castellio questioned the idea of heresy itself. ‘After a careful investigation into the meaning of the term heretic,’ he wrote, ‘I can discover no more than this, that we regard those as heretics with whom we disagree.’ It was the religious equivalent of the notion introduced a few decades later by Michel de Montaigne that a barbarian is, in essence, someone not like me. To Castellio, being ‘someone with whom we disagree’ was entirely insufficient grounds for being sentenced to death. Today, we take these ideas for granted, but at the time they were revolutionary. In an era with no sense of separation between Church and state, heresy was equivalent to political sedition. Castellio disagreed. He was one of the first to argue that the only way the religiously divided states of Europe could survive was through toleration. Castellio’s abhorrence at heresy executions led him to question other traditional doctrines and practices within Christianity, including the Bible itself. His views, often developed in opposition to those of his nemesis, John Calvin, would start to grow a liberal branch of Christianity, one that challenged the dogmatic confessions of the churches that emerged from the Reformation and instead championed tolerance, free thinking and reason. Castellio’s ideas eventually won out in the West. But today his name is unknown. Castellio was an unlikely innovator. He was the son of a farmer, born in the village of Saint-Martin-du-Frêne in France, which at the time lay in the independent duchy of Savoy, about halfway between Lyon and Geneva. In a stunning example of social mobility for the time, he would rise from his peasant origins to become professor of Greek at the University of Basel in the Swiss Confederacy. Though we know little about his formative years, he started his ascent by receiving a humanist education in Lyon, where he demonstrated a gift for learning languages. As a boy, he stomped grapes on his father’s farm; by the age of 23, he was composing Greek verse. He also learned Latin, Hebrew, Italian and some German. In 1540, at the age of 25, fear of religious persecution drove the newly Protestant Castellio to leave France for the Holy Roman Empire. In Protestant Strasbourg, he met Calvin, who had been exiled from Geneva for too aggressively pushing his ideas for religious reform on the city. Their relationship was initially cordial, and Castellio even lived for a time in Calvin’s house. In 1541, a new group of leaders in Geneva invited Calvin back. He returned, and Castellio joined him as head of the Geneva school. But feelings hardened between the two men when Calvin criticised as inaccurate a French translation of the New Testament that Castellio had drafted. Their relationship soon devolved into open hostility when Calvin thwarted Castellio’s nomination to become one of the city’s pastors. Calvin refused to admit Castellio to the ranks of the pastors because Castellio deviated from Calvin’s views on the biblical book of the Song of Songs and on the interpretation of Christ’s ‘descent into hell’ as confessed in the Apostles’ Creed. It was Castellio’s first lesson in the dangers inherent in dogmatic orthodoxy, whether Protestant or Catholic, and it undoubtedly played a role in leading him to think differently. Catholic persecution had forced him to leave France, now Protestant intransigence drove him from Geneva. No longer welcome in Geneva, Castellio moved to Basel, where he found work as a poorly paid corrector for a printing press. Castellio used his position at the press to publish several works, including a new translation of the Bible in 1551, rendering it into elegant Latin, as if it had been written by someone like Cicero. His distinctly non-verbatim approach to the translation revealed that he placed more importance on the Bible’s overall message and meaning than on its individual words. Moreover, in his dedicatory letter to the young King Edward VI of England, Castellio revealed his opposition to religious persecution: ‘If someone disagrees with us on a single point of religion,’ he laments, ‘we condemn him and pursue him to the corners of the earth … We exercise cruelty with the sword, flame and water, and exterminate the destitute and defenceless.’ Castellio portrayed executions for heresy as not only cruel and inhumane but positively unchristian But it was an event in Geneva in 1553 that catalysed Castellio’s thinking. In October that year, the Spaniard Michael Servetus was burned alive for heresy. Servetus was a medical doctor, who was, incidentally, the first European to describe pulmonary circulation. But he also rejected the orthodox doctrine of the trinity – the belief that God is one deity in three co-eternal persons, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit – held by Catholics and Protestants alike. Although he was rejected by almost everyone, Servetus’s antitrinitarian ideas would later influence early Unitarian churches in Poland and eastern Europe. Servetus first published his views in 1531, and the condemnation of those ideas forced him to spend the next two decades underground, living under the assumed name Michel de Villeneuve. His identity was discovered after the publication of the Christian Restitution (1553), a book that revived his heretical views of the trinity. After slipping out of jail to escape the Catholic Inquisition in France, Servetus found his way to Protestant Geneva, where Calvin prompted the city officials to arrest him. The city council found Servetus guilty of heresy and sent him to the stake, sadistically using green wood to slow the flames and consequently increase his suffering. Calvin defended the death sentence in print, explaining ‘that heretics are rightly to be coerced by the sword.’ He argued that ‘when someone rips religion from its foundations, utters detestable blasphemies against God, leads souls to destruction with impious and pestilent dogmas, and openly defects from the one God and his pure doctrine, it is necessary to apply the ultimate remedy to prevent the deadly poison from spreading further.’ To support his contention, Calvin cited Deuteronomy 13: ‘If anyone secretly entices you …, saying, “Let us go serve other gods” …, you shall surely kill them.’ Most of Calvin’s fellow pastors and theologians at the time agreed. Philipp Melanchthon, Martin Luther’s successor in Wittenberg, praised Calvin for his role in the execution, telling him that the ‘church owes you and posterity will owe you a debt of gratitude. I completely agree with your judgment, and I affirm that your magistrates acted justly when they executed a blasphemer by a judicial process.’ Many of Calvin’s supporters cited Servetus’s ‘blasphemy’ rather than ‘heresy’, for some thought the term carried an even clearer biblical injunction: ‘Whoever blasphemes the name of the Lord shall surely be put to death.’ Castellio disagreed. Recently named professor of Greek at the University of Basel on the strength of his Bible translation and other works, Castellio, together with some friends, published a pseudonymous book entitled Concerning Heretics: Whether They Are to be Persecuted and How They Are to be Treated (1554). Under various assumed names, Castellio portrayed executions for heresy as not only cruel and inhumane but positively unchristian. The executions are bad enough by themselves, he writes: But a more capital offence is added when this conduct is justified under the robe of Christ and is defended as being in accord with his will, when Satan could not devise anything more repugnant to the nature and will of Christ! … What do you think Christ will do when he comes? Will he commend such things? Will he approve of them? Instead, Castellio declares: ‘I do not see how we can retain the name of Christian if we do not imitate His clemency and mercy.’ Here we get an early glimpse of the ‘modern Jesus’, the kind and merciful Prince of Peace. This was not a new notion of Castellio’s, but throughout the Middle Ages and Reformation period the image of a merciful Christ stood side by side with that of a vengeful saviour. Before the Crusades, Pope Urban II insisted that ‘Christ commanded’ the military adventure to destroy the ‘vile race’ of the Muslims. Books published by one of Calvin’s printers in Geneva all bore Jesus’ biblical quotation: ‘I have not come to bring peace but a sword.’ But the sword-wielding, vengeful Christ was foreign to Castellio’s conception. Instead, he saw the execution of Servetus as a profoundly un-Christ-like act, made worse by the fact that it was instigated by Calvin, who was supposed to be one of the lights of the Church. Castellio wrote a second book on toleration, Against Calvin’s Little Book (Contra Libellum Calvini), in which he countered point by point Calvin’s arguments defending the execution of Servetus. He repeatedly pointed out the brutality of executions for heresy in general and argued that it was bloodlust, cruelty and naked ambition for power that drove Calvin to push for Servetus’s execution. Most offensive to Castellio was Calvin’s argument that Servetus’s death was necessary to defend Christian doctrine. As Castellio put it in the best-known line from the treatise: ‘To kill a man is not to defend a doctrine, but to kill a man.’ The conflict over Servetus’s execution set Calvin and Castellio permanently at odds with one another. Calvin couldn’t stand Castellio’s willingness to overlook the threat to religion and public order posed by those who deviated from the true faith. Castellio couldn’t abide Calvin’s rigid dogmatism. For Castellio believed that, properly understood, Christianity is more about moral behaviour than doctrine. The Reformation itself had made that clear to him. After decades of wrangling over doctrine – both between Protestants and Catholics, and among Protestants themselves – it was clear that no sect was ever going to ‘win’. Castellio believed that it was far more important, therefore, to focus on moral living. ‘We dispute so much about eternal election, predestination, and the trinity,’ he said, ‘insisting on things we can never see and ignoring the things that are right in front of us. From this are born infinite disputes, which result in the bloodshed of the weak and the poor if they don’t agree with us.’ And what are ‘the things that are right in front of us’? The clear moral precepts of Christianity. ‘The precepts of piety are certain: to love God and your neighbour, to love your enemies, to be patient, merciful, and kind, and carry out other similar duties.’ Anyone of any religious sect can practise these things. The way to assess how well a group of Christians lived up to its duties was to judge them by the ‘fruits of the spirit’ listed by St Paul in Galatians 5, namely, ‘love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, generosity, faithfulness, gentleness, and self-control.’ ‘By such fruits,’ Castellio declared, ‘it is possible to judge which sects are the best, namely those which believe and obey Christ and imitate his life, whether they’re called Papist, Lutheran, Zwinglian, Anabaptist or anything else.’ Indeed, these denominational designations meant nothing to Castellio, who insisted that good Christians may be found in any of them, for ‘they all believe in the same God, in the same Lord and Saviour Christ.’ For Castellio, these were the core messages of the Bible: believing in God and in Jesus as the Saviour, and loving your neighbour as yourself. After years of fighting with Calvin over toleration, personal attacks and predestination – he utterly rejected Calvin’s idea that God had predestined both those who would be saved and those who would be condemned to eternity in hell – at the end of his life Castellio returned to focus on the Bible. His thoughts on biblical interpretation mark his most radical departure from tradition and most clearly anticipated later liberal Protestantism. For Castellio rejected the idea that the entire Bible was divinely inspired, and taught that one should use the tools of human reason to understand the human authors who produced it. Christians should not get hung up on exact words but consider the overall ‘tenor’ of the biblical text Castellio had seen what unquestioning trust in cherrypicked biblical quotations could lead to. Calvin had used it to defend killing heretics. It lay at the root of the interminable debates on how to interpret what happens to the bread and wine of holy communion. Each sect of the Reformation had its favourite verses to justify its own doctrines. Castellio recognised that flinging competing biblical quotations at each other was getting Christians nowhere. ‘Unless some other rule is discovered,’ he declared, ‘I see no way here of attaining concord.’ In an astonishing book for its time, The Art of Doubting and Believing, of Knowing and Not Knowing, Castellio suggested that Christians should not get hung up on exact words and phrases but should consider the overall message and ‘tenor’ of the biblical text. There are things in the Bible, he said, that seem contradictory or absurd. It’s also clear that the biblical authors sometimes made mistakes, and that ‘something may have escaped their memory or judgment.’ Moreover, St Paul himself tells us that he sometimes wrote things from his own judgment, without a command from the Lord. And so, Castellio argued: ‘I don’t see why we attribute to these authors more than they attributed to themselves.’ Rather than consider the entire Bible the inspired word of God, Castellio believed it could be divided into three kinds of texts: revelation/prophecy, knowledge, and instruction. Only the sections he describes as revelation or prophecy are to be understood as the actual word of God. All the other sections – which constitute a large majority of the Bible – are to be understood as the words of humans, which can be evaluated and interpreted in the same way as other ancient texts. And if most of the Bible is a human product, we may use human reason to understand it. Indeed, reason precedes and is more trustworthy than the actual words of Scripture: ‘Reason is, so to speak, the daughter of God … Reason, I say, is a sort of eternal word of God, much older and surer than letters and ceremonies … Reason is a sort of interior and eternal word of truth always speaking.’ Therefore, in any Christian controversy, the place to start is not with the Bible but with reason: ‘Our method will be the following: we start by treating according to reason alone the debated questions. Then we add the authorities taken from Scripture.’ Here we see the method of medieval scholastic theology turned upside down. Whereas the medieval scholastics were engaged with ‘faith seeking understanding’ – starting with the principles of the faith and then trying to understand them using reason – Castellio starts with reason and then adds biblical authorities in support. Castellio knew that he would be criticised for his ideas: ‘They will cry out that this is blasphemy. The Holy Scriptures, according to them, were written under the divine breath.’ But he realised someone had to deviate from tradition; the old ways were leading to nothing but division and persecution. ‘We must dare something new if we want to help humanity,’ he wrote. ‘We see that advances in the arts, as in other things, are made not by those content with the status quo, but by those who dare to alter and correct those things that have been found defective.’ There was one other key to moving forward, Castellio believed: keeping an open mind and learning how to doubt – hence the title of his book, The Art of Doubting. Even with his new rational approach to the Bible, some things would never be clear. There were many doctrines – for example, predestination, the trinity, and the nature of the Eucharist – over which Christians would always disagree. But that’s OK. The problem is not disagreement but closed minds. ‘A person whose mind is closed holds tenaciously to his opinion and prefers to give the lie to God himself and all the saints and angels if they are on the other side rather than to alter his opinion. Flee this vice,’ Castellio counsels, ‘as you would death itself.’ Death found Castellio before he finished writing The Art of Doubting. He died at the age of 48 in December 1563, five months before Calvin died. He left behind a wife and eight children, including a one-year-old and three others under 10. Calvin and his allies hounded him to the end; at the time of his death, Castellio was under investigation in Basel for allegations of heresy that originated with Calvin’s friend Theodore Beza. Castellio’s final book was not published in full until 1981, but we know it circulated in manuscript after his death. This long delay in publication is one reason for Castellio’s relative obscurity. Censorship and pressure from his enemies meant that several of his works – often the most interesting and radical ones – were not published until many years after his death. Even so, in certain circles, Castellio has long been appreciated. Michel de Montaigne called him an ‘outstanding’ scholar. John Locke referred to him as ‘so learned a man’ and owned several of his books. Voltaire assessed that he was ‘more learned’ than Calvin. The Enlightenment era saw the flourishing of several of Castellio’s ideas, most notably the primacy of reason. Enlightenment rationalism and advances in science cast deeply into doubt Moses’ authorship of Genesis, the literal truth of the Bible’s creation account and of early biblical history, and the divine inspiration of the Bible. Thomas Chubb, an English deist writing during the 18th century, found a manuscript of Castellio’s Art of Doubting and noted that the ‘excellent Castellio’ was ‘of the same opinion’ as himself regarding the divine inspiration of the Bible. In addition, Enlightenment thinkers downplayed Christian dogma in favour of the faith’s moral precepts. Unlike controversial doctrines, moral precepts such as those from the Ten Commandments not to kill, steal, commit adultery or bear false witness were agreed upon by all and seen as consonant with human reason. Thomas Jefferson rejected miracles and the Christian doctrines based on them but considered Jesus’ teachings ‘the most sublime and benevolent code of morals which has ever been offered to man.’ Taken literally, the Bible can be used to justify slavery and polygamy, among other horrors By 1835, on the 300th anniversary of the Reformation in Geneva, Castellio’s vision of Christianity had overtaken that of the city’s own far more famous reformer, John Calvin. As the historians Philip Benedict and Sarah Scholl note: ‘By the turn of the 19th century, a liberal, non-dogmatic faith had come to dominate the national church. The all-Protestant organising committee [for the anniversary] consequently spoke of “promoting the grand principles of tolerance which are those of true Protestantism”.’ A ‘liberal, non-dogmatic faith’ grounded in the ‘grand principles of tolerance’ was exactly what Castellio – but decidedly not Calvin – had preached 300 years before. We should not push the comparison between Castellio and liberal Protestantism too far, however. Castellio knew of few of the scientific advances available to his 19th-century successors. Like everyone else of his time, he was what we would call today a ‘young-Earth creationist’ and even joined in the popular game of trying to date Earth based on the biblical generations (his answer: 5,529 years, 6 months and 10 days). It is also difficult to trace Castellio’s direct influence on later generations of liberal Protestant theologians. It seems that few of them arrived at their ideas by reading Castellio. But his ideas had prompted an initial reconsideration of long-held religious truths and lingered just below the surface for centuries. More than any direct influence he had on later generations, Castellio’s enduring significance is that he was one of the first to appreciate some of the profound problems caused by the traditional understandings of Christianity, the Bible and, especially, heresy. Taken literally, the Bible can be used – and, in fact, has been used – to justify the practices of slavery and polygamy, the repression of women, the execution of heretics and witches, and the persecution of Jews, among other horrors. The faith can easily be weaponised for political purposes and the exclusion of those who ‘aren’t like us’ or who ‘don’t think like us’. Castellio’s Christianity, by contrast, was short on doctrine and long on openness and morality. That was the message of the Bible for him. Any reading of the Bible or understanding of the faith that did not produce these, he believed, failed to convey the true message of Christianity. Source of the article

The Labor of Play

An Upper East Sider with advanced degrees playing Wordle over espresso; a suburban teenager pairing Call of Duty: Warzone with bong rips before work: both play, arguably, for the same reasons. Each delights in low-stakes release. Each enjoys the sense of completing a task (spelling words, killing enemies) that feels vaguely moral, and which the player might take pride in, even if virtually and for an audience composed only of themselves. What is different is only that the New York Times and other enlightened organs have now found ways to market trivial, dependence-inducing digital game products (already wildly lucrative in other settings) to the gentry. And the Times is hardly alone. Is this boom in bourgeois gaming bad? The “inanity of many leisure activities” famously troubled the philosopher Theodor Adorno. An ardent anti-capitalist—and a half-Jewish German refugee who feared that frivolous entertainment was a handmaiden to fascism (living in Los Angeles must have been interesting!)—Adorno had no problem with leisure, but he suspected that so-called free time had, in late capitalism, become little more than a recharging period between episodes of labor extraction, i.e., work days. In his estimation, the problem was that leisure had come to serve capital, since now it replenished workers for the sake of work, rather than bettering them as human beings. As a result, he wrote that “‘free time’ is tending toward its own opposite, and is becoming a parody of itself.” The solution for Adorno was for leisure activities to be taken very, very seriously: the study of classical music, for example, for its own sake alone. In this sense, Adorno surely would have despised Wordle and Call of Duty equally. Both are light distractions, after all, and both are deeply integrated into capitalism, perhaps even more deeply than Adorno tended to envision. If there’s one thing worse than free time being organized by the needs of capital, it might be free time becoming a pillar of capital. In that regard, the bonanza that has come from tethering bourgeois word games and logic games (and recipes and so forth) to the consumption of Serious News might seem to bear him out. Leisure in the 21st century is increasingly not just big business, but a framework needed to sustain a free press, along with other public goods that aren’t otherwise going to sustain themselves. The New York Times these days would not be solvent without revenue from subscriptions to its games suite, among other add-ons. And yet, Adorno, as with most matters pop cultural, probably should not have the last word here. All of the above is true, but there are layers to gaming that surpass this analysis. One place to witness these layers is in the substantial number of recent books focused on trivial obsessives, including but not limited to: Claire McNear’s Answers in the Forms of Questions, Adrienne Raphel’s Thinking Inside the Box, Oliver Roeder’s Seven Games, and Eric Thurm’s Avidly Reads Board Games. Each of these books explores communities that treat puzzles and games marketed as leisure activities with a gravity bordering on the spiritual. That is to say, these communities take puzzles and games very, very seriously, as Adorno might have preferred. Most of the games discussed in these books are wedded to capital in some fashion: crosswords are pillars of newspaper financing; Jeopardy!’s success is literally measured in dollars, and it airs on ad-based television; Monopoly dramatizes, well, a scramble for monopolies. Even so, these games’ most ardent obsessives engage them in ways that absolutely exceed the logic of profit. The authors of these books convincingly reveal the potential of leisure—even that which has been partly captured by capital—to offer the promise of dissidence, or at least other spaces of being. It seems significant that these books about word, board, or trivia game obsessives were published just before or during the COVID-19 pandemic. Of course they all must have been researched and written before early 2020, but the pandemic has made them a deeper read. Each book speaks to a quality of game playing that graduated from Adornian pastime to something more like mental-health manna during the depressive depths of 2020. In those depths, the feeling of devoting oneself to something unproductive became humanizing, not as a way to refuel before work but precisely as a fuck-you to work. One’s boss might ask them to give their whole brilliance—honed to a glistening edge by years of training and hard-won wisdom—to QuiznosPitchDeck.xls. But suddenly many people had the courage to reserve the very best of themselves for something else, like Learned League, SpellTower, or Animal Crossing. It is worth asking what comes of playing seriously as a core part of people’s identities in a moment when, for many, their work life no longer fills that role. In the world of puzzles and games, a shift began about a decade ago. Perhaps it started with the calls from BuzzFeed. Or was it the now-defunct startup news website Capital New York? Slate? The Atlantic? All these outlets began sniffing out puzzles. They contacted editors and creators to find out what it would take to establish a serious daily crossword or variety game, usually with some dazzling new digital component. Some even moved forward, with varied success, adding habit-forming, intellect-confirming side hustles to their reporting and commentary, or their listicles. The shift occurred during a moment of nose-diving ad revenues in publishing, when something had to replace the classifieds, or else. In the years since, the New York Times perhaps above all has demonstrated the value of a well-executed newspaper games section, expanding theirs to multiple features and a popular $40 annual subscription. Puzzles and games have become integral to readers’ daily rituals, and in the process also a profitable lifeline for a sinking industry. And the windfall continues: digital puzzle and word game platforms are now (because of course they are) being launched by NFT speculators, VC-backed designers, and venues even larger than the Times. Such financial concerns are far from the minds of the players profiled in Roeder’s Seven Games, which fixes its attention on those who probe the outer limits of games as solvable problems. True obsessives, including Roeder’s subjects, tend to conflate the object of their enthusiasm with life itself. In games both venerable (chess, bridge) and somewhat silly (checkers), serious players pursue transcendence. God comes up a lot. As Roeder memorably puts it, for a game like checkers—which an early computer program helped to effectively solve—a human player making all known correct moves can tie the creator of the universe. The solving of checkers, by some measure, staged how the Romantics viewed nature: as a set of riddles to be joyfully solved through the application of intellect. For some, that moment was a triumph. But each of the seven games in Roeder’s book has a different telos. Some, like Go, are so vast in their possible outcomes that they were long considered incalculable. As devoted as some of its players are, Go continues to require intuition, a win for those anxious about how computing power has surpassed humans in so many games, including chess. For years, Go continued to promise a redoubt for whatever unique capacities humans might offer, although, in the past five years, new software driven by neural networks has closed the gap. Poker, the subject of another of Roeder’s chapters, remains interesting in part precisely because it can never be purely rational: data helps, but even the best-played hand can easily be spoiled by random chance. Still, online poker has become a cesspool of bots and algorithmically informed playing. Poker can never be fully solved, but steering closer to perfection has largely killed the fun. That does tend to happen. I once spoke to an online poker pro who had become so good at the game that he felt he could not justify doing anything else. He calculated that relaxing with an issue of Harper’s cost him an average of about $30,000. Until he quit poker, leisure had become psychologically impossible for him. Sometimes gaming obsessives find euphoria; other times perfection delivers the game to capitalism’s hungriest dogs. Roeder explores the triumphs and tragedies that take place around these fringes. The fuzzy line between gaming and the rest of human lives is also described in Thurm’s Avidly Reads Board Games. Aptly, Thurm opens with an anecdote about playing Catan while waiting for his grandfather to die. The book centers on a concept called the “magic circle,” a means of describing the all-encompassing interiority of a given board game, which a player must give themselves over to in order to participate. Any game, no matter how straightforward, stages a certain version of reality, with particular possibilities and limits, modes of governance, distributions of power, and so forth. The setup of any game, writes Thurm, “model[s] a conflict.” The degree of immersion that a board game creates has often driven designers to lead with ideology, from Nazism to socialism, from empathy for poor people to disdain for them. There are board games that exist to make people feel the rightness of each of these, a thrilling and also potentially terrifying possibility. Even many games that now seem unassuming began as screeds: Monopoly, for example, was created explicitly to teach players that rent-seeking makes everyone miserable. It is a truly American irony that such an offering—despite sucking from the first turn to the sour moment when everyone gives up on finishing—became history’s best-selling board game. Thurm, like Roeder, is interested in extremes, ideological extremes as much as obsessions. McNear examines just one game, Jeopardy!, but it is the grande dame of trivia contests. She is well sourced, and a compelling writer. Answers in the Form of Questions is less of a “Why do people play games?” reflection than the others discussed here. Nonetheless, it engages a world of profound peculiarity, and often one of joy. Likely it is the ubiquity of Jeopardy! that makes it so gripping to learn about. The show is such terra firma that if the reader does not already know about its inner workings, the details are as potentially compelling as those that might be found in a book about the Supreme Court or volcanos. The details matter because the phenomenon is part of our collective experience. It is not a disillusioning book, although it does demythologize the great players somewhat, in addition to revealing fault lines of sexism. Still, McNear mostly portrays a high-functioning and supportive community, and one in which there is much more than money at play and at stake. There is a certain tragedy to the narrative because we know how it ends: with the death of Alex Trebek in 2020, just after the book’s publication, which did not nearly tank Jeopardy! ratings-wise, but which likely removed some of its iconic luster. This, along with the quantification of competition, including “smarter” approaches to training, might have chilled some of the show’s most quirky and democratic vibes. Still, McNear doesn’t tell a story of the show in decline. Rather, she offers an informed backstage tour. If it’s less invested in the question of why such a pursuit matters to competitors, the book is every bit as engaged with the sociology of both fans and players: both are deeply obsessed, and decidedly not in it for the money. Finally, Raphel’s study of the crossword puzzle and its community, Thinking Inside the Box, is similar to McNear’s book in scope (mostly just one game, but a big one), and in its excellent sourcing. But Raphel writes and thinks with an ambition beyond descriptive history. Her early historical chapters give way to deep ruminations on the nature of knowledge in the later ones, and Raphel is not afraid to break from direct prose into poetry or other writerly experiments. She thinks like a professional historian, for example tying the earliest craze for crosswords (which began in the 1920s) to the Anglophone obsession with clues and detectives in 19th-century British literature. For Raphel, crosswords speak to greater orders of knowledge. In a rather sizeable canon of crossword history books, this is the first of its kind, and probably the smartest. Raphel tells us that crosswords have bred their share of obsessives, and it is notable that their obsessions have outlasted the vogue for certain applications of computer-assisted construction that flourished in the 2010s. Crosswords can now be both made and solved by computers in many respects. Still, the game has rather easily survived as a human pastime. In some sense, what lurks today as a potentially existential challenge to the game is not that it might be solved; after all, this already happened in certain ways, and fans mostly shrugged. The real concern is that crosswords might become such a pillar of a rising bourgeois gaming industry that profit could saturate the market, gut the game’s charms, choke constructors on the promise of work-for-hire. As go crosswords, so goes the world? Today, there is a sort of race underway in contemporary word, trivia, and board games. It is a struggle between the forces of profit—which are increasingly hungry for more content—and the forces of obsession—the kind described in these four books—which aim for depth of experience, something beyond the game as a product. Source of the article

GOATReads: History

Did an Enslaved Chocolatier Help Hercules Mulligan Foil a Plot to Assassinate George Washington?

New research sheds light on the possible identity of Cato, the Black man who conveyed the tailor’s lifesaving intelligence to the Americans during the Revolutionary War According to popular lore, Hercules Mulligan—tailor, spy and ardent patriot of Hamilton fame—was working at his Manhattan shop on a frigid night in 1779 when a British officer bustled in, looking for an overcoat. Precious few orders had been placed that day, so Mulligan was happy to oblige, despite the late hour. The intimate act of taking measurements was often eased by conversation, so Mulligan began prompting his customer with a few innocent questions. Suddenly, a boasting tale spilled out of the soldier’s mouth. His days of keeping watch in the freezing cold would soon be over, he was sure of it. In fact, the man bragged, the entire war would end in mere days with a sweeping British victory. What harm would it do to tell his tailor? After all, everyone would soon know about the brilliant plot to capture and assassinate General George Washington. Mulligan calmly recorded the distance from the nape of the man’s neck to his waist and the circumference of his chest, but inside, his mind was racing. After the officer left, Mulligan began taking much more detailed notes, capturing every aspect of the imminent plot the man had described. Missive in hand, he quickly locked up and sprinted down to the docks, searching for his trusted assistant, an enslaved man named Cato, in hopes of spiriting the message out of British-occupied New York City and into the hands of an American contact, thereby saving the general—and perhaps even the young nation itself. This is a compelling and oft-repeated narrative, but how much of it can be proved? How do contemporary historians know that the tailor was a spy at all? And who was the courier with enough bravery and skill to escape New York Harbor and safely convey the intelligence to the Americans? Documents newly discovered by historian Claire Bellerjeau, one of the co-authors of this article, shed light on Mulligan’s life and the possible identity of the Black man believed to have helped him. These papers focus on an individual by the name of Cato, who was enslaved by members of the powerful Schuyler family, then fled New York around the time of the foiled assassination plot. They add to the growing corpus of previously untold and incomplete stories of Black patriots. “These findings provide a more nuanced view of Cato,” underscoring the “role of Black Americans in the Colonies and the new nation,” says Bill Bleyer, author of George Washington's Long Island Spy Ring. New York City fell into British hands in the fall of 1776. Many patriots remained behind enemy lines, and Mulligan wasn’t the only spy in town. The work of a group now called the Culper Spy Ring produced hundreds of letters, more than 190 of which still exist. None of Mulligan’s correspondence survives, but he is mentioned by name in a May 8, 1780, Culper letter from American spymaster Major Benjamin Tallmadge to Washington. Sometime in the previous weeks, a key member of Washington’s spy network in New York, a merchant named Robert Townsend, had suddenly refused to continue in his role as lead spy, citing the danger and stress of his position. His counterpart on Long Island, a farmer named Abraham Woodhull (alias Samuel Culper), needed a new agent in the city, and “Mr. Mulligan” was one of two names suggested, along with a “Mr. Duchie.” Soon after, however, Townsend relented and agreed to continue collecting intelligence, so Mulligan never joined the Culper ring. But the letter stands as evidence that Mulligan was a known patriot and willing operative for the Americans during the Revolutionary War. No other primary source backs up Mulligan’s work as a spy. The earliest telling of his role in thwarting the assassination plot appears in recollections composed by Alexander Hamilton’s son John Church Hamilton, who wrote the following in an 1834 biography of his father: A partisan officer, a native of New York, called at the shop of Mulligan late in the evening, to obtain a watch-coat. The late hour awakened curiosity. After some inquiries, the officer vauntingly boasted that, before another day, they would have his rebel general in their hands. This staunch patriot, as soon as the officer left him, hastened unobserved to the wharf and dispatched a billet by a Negro, giving information of the design. Details about Mulligan’s brave courier, called simply “a Negro” in the initial account, became more elaborate over time. The name “Cato” first appears a century later, in a 1937 book titled Hercules Mulligan: Confidential Correspondent of General Washington. Author Michael J. O’Brien asserted that it was Mulligan who’d enslaved Cato, “whose name has been handed down in tradition,” but provided no additional information about his identity. Enslaved Black men were often assigned names from the classical world, such as Cato, Jupiter and Caesar. These names tended to reflect the enslavers’ desire to mock the powerlessness of those they enslaved and demonstrate their own sophistication and classical education in Greek and Roman history. While narratives concerning Cato’s enslavement by Mulligan and work in his shop are widely accepted today, no contemporary documents exist to prove these claims. Though enslaved people labored in a number of New York City tailor shops around the time of the American Revolution, Mulligan’s workforce in 1774 appears to have consisted of three Scottish indentured servants. Were elements of Cato’s story preserved in oral tradition, or are they merely historical embellishment? In 1790, the first federal census indicated that Mulligan enslaved one individual, with no further details provided. The next time Mulligan appears in the census records, in 1820, he is still listed as only having one enslaved person in his household, an unnamed woman in a column marked “Females of 45 and upwards.” It’s certainly possible that the person Mulligan enslaved in 1790 was Cato, and that this arrangement had existed for at least a dozen years, going back to the time of the Revolution. Perhaps Mulligan later sold or manumitted Cato and then purchased a Black woman prior to the 1820 census—but this seems unlikely. Mulligan was a charter member of the New York Manumission Society, which advocated for the gradual emancipation of enslaved people in the state. His name appears on the organization’s roll in February 1785 and again in May 1787, alongside other notable figures such as Hamilton, John Jay and Townsend. Although Mulligan (and many other members of the group) continued to enslave people, seemingly placing them at odds with the society’s goals, the tailor was less likely to be actively engaged in the buying and selling of enslaved people during that time. An alternative explanation is that the individual listed in both census records was the same woman. By 1820, she may have been too old to be freed under New York state law, which prohibited people over the age of 50 from being manumitted so that the Overseers of the Poor would not be burdened with the expense of their care. (These officials were in charge of the welfare of indigent residents and also certified the manumission of enslaved people.) But what if the Cato of legend was enslaved by someone else? The earliest account does not imply that the Black courier was enslaved by Mulligan, only that he was present at the docks, and the tradition O’Brien cites is quite specific regarding his name. A Black man named Cato Howe is sometimes credited with being the man Mulligan used to send the dispatch. Howe served with the Second Massachusetts Regiment and participated in major military campaigns, like the winter of 1777 encampment at Valley Forge and the 1778 Battle of Monmouth. After his discharge in 1783, Howe returned to Plymouth, Massachusetts, where he lived in a Black community called Parting Ways and worked as a farmer until his death in 1824. While several historians share an accurate story of Howe the Massachusetts soldier, many others conflate this man with the Cato who was supposedly enslaved behind enemy lines in Manhattan and aided Mulligan by passing along crucial intelligence. A fresh examination of the historical evidence offers another compelling possibility for the mysterious Cato’s identity. The research is based on two documents: one, a description of an enslaved man named Cato in the archives of Trinity Church, where Mulligan was an active congregant and later buried, and the other, a newspaper advertisement seeking someone who appears to be this same Cato, who had “absconded”—likely by boat—at the very time of a newly discovered assassination plot against Washington in March 1779. As Steven J. Niven, a historian at the Hutchins Center for African & African American Research at Harvard University, explains, the new analysis “serves as a model for other writers seeking to weave together church and census records, runaway slave adverts, and related fragments of evidence now available through open access digital humanities projects.” After the original Trinity Church building was destroyed by fire in September 1776, congregants began worshipping a few blocks away at St. Paul’s Chapel. Some of the only primary documents from that time in the Trinity Church Archives are the 1782 pew rent ledgers, which record individuals who paid for seats at St. Paul’s, as was the custom at the time. An entry in the ledgers indicates that Dirck Schuyler’s family paid in cash for the seat of a man named Cato. Dirck’s household was a branch of the powerful Schuyler family, whose members had been important figures in New York society and politics for generations. The fact that the Cato named in the church records is not listed as a Schuyler relative and lacks a last name of his own indicates that he was almost certainly an enslaved Black man who was held in high enough regard by the family to be allowed to sit in their pew rather than being consigned to the balcony with the other enslaved people. Only two other enslaved people were recorded as sitting in the expensive pews of St. Paul’s in 1782; both are women, described only as “DePeyster’s wench” and “Roomer’s wench.” Dirck and his wife, Ann Mary Schuyler, were members of Trinity Church and successful chocolatiers in Manhattan, with a shop on Maiden Lane, not far from Mulligan’s tailor shop on Queen Street. Their chocolates, sold “by the box or less quantity,” according to an advertisement, were a product of the labor of Cato and other skilled enslaved people. Enslaved workers were key to the Colonial chocolate business: A 1772 ad sought to purchase a “valuable” Black man who had been “bred to the chocolate-making business,” while a 1775 listing announced the sale of a 32-year-old Black man who “understands the business of chocolate-making.” That work would have included hefting heavy sacks of cocoa beans; grinding cocoa powder in a large mill; and even rendering animal fat slowly over a fire to produce tallow, which was used to give the chocolate a creamy texture. Maiden Lane was home to several other chocolate makers, such as Mark Murphy, who advertised “chocolate of the first quality,” and Peter Low, who concluded a 1771 fugitive slave ad by reiterating that he “continues to make and sell chocolate, at his house on the upper end of Maiden Lane, near the Broadway, where those who please to favor him with their custom may be supplied with that which is good, on reasonable terms.” Mulligan, meanwhile, was a vestryman of Trinity Church, meaning he was one of the parishioners who managed the administration and financial concerns of the congregation. He was also a close friend of Hamilton, whose future wife, Elizabeth Schuyler, was a distant cousin of Dirck. While Mulligan may not have been close with this particular Cato, he was almost certainly aware of him. Interestingly, an enslaved man named Cato appears to have gone missing around the same time as the plot to assassinate Washington. On March 24, 1779, Ann Mary (by now a widow) ran a notice in the Royal Gazette seeking information about the escapee: Absconded from his mistress, the widow of the late Dirck Schuyler of this city, a Negro man named Cato, alias Joshua, about 30 years old, strong-made and of a yellowish complexion, and is well known in this city, he is designed to go a privateering, and I do forewarn all captains of privateers and others from harboring or concealing him. The timing of this ad is not insignificant. While historians have long known that the British formulated an assassination plot against Washington in 1779, the exact date was unknown. In 2023, however, three students at James Madison University uncovered a Virginia court document apparently connected to the plot. Dated March 13, 1779, the bond agreement references an upcoming trial for a conspiracy “to murder George Washington and the honorable members of the Continental Congress.” Given this timeframe, could it be that Cato, who appears to have had ambitions to make money at sea as a privateer, was the same Black man whom John C. Hamilton described as being present at the docks to transport Mulligan’s dispatch across the water? And is Cato’s reappearance in the Schuyler pew in 1782 evidence that his absence from the chocolate shop was only temporary, as he assisted Mulligan with spying activities, and not a full-fledged escape from his enslavers? The timing seemingly aligns, and according to the ad, Cato was “well known in this city.” Was he well known enough for Mulligan to trust him with such an urgent and dangerous message? Knowing that Cato was a member of the same church might have given Mulligan confidence in the man’s character, and a further examination of his alias may provide a clue as to his intentions. In addition to the name given to him by his enslaver, Cato seemingly chose a biblical name for himself: Joshua, according to the ad placed by Dirck’s widow. The selection of that particular name could be significant. In the Hebrew Bible, Joshua is an enslaved Israelite who escapes Egypt in the Exodus and becomes one of the faithful spies sent to scope out the land of Canaan in the Book of Numbers. Later, it is Joshua who assumes leadership of the Hebrew people after the death of Moses and leads them into war to conquer the Promised Land. It doesn’t require a great leap of faith to imagine a regular churchgoer like Cato recognizing the symbolism such a name might carry in the context of his own life. Elizabeth J. West, a literary scholar at Georgia State University, says that Cato’s adoption of the name Joshua exemplifies “a legacy of enslaved African Americans proclaiming their agency” by reinterpretating the stories of biblical heroes and heroines. She adds that his life offers a lens through which to view “the everyday role of African Americans [in] business and industry in Colonial New York.” Niven, of the Hutchins Center, connects the new research to “the recent flowering of local history projects and deeper investigations of forgotten people of color in the Colonial archive.” The analysis “carefully separates long-established myth-making with a nuanced microbiography of the skilled chocolatier Cato,” he explains. We will likely never know for certain whether Cato, the enslaved worker in the Schuylers’ shop, was also a spy for the Americans whose courage and skill on the water helped thwart a credible assassination plot against Washington. Whatever the case, however, Cato stands as evidence of the many often “invisible” figures whose presence, skill and labor helped shape the course of the Revolution—and the history of the United States. Source of the article

GOATReads: Psychology

Why Young Minds Are Breaking Faster Than We Can Mend Them

Key points Youth happiness has collapsed, with no promise of the U-curve of happiness applying to the current generation. Today’s teens face a true poly-crisis world—from COVID scars to AI upheaval, all during their formative years. Uncertainty will remain a constant, and resilience requires breadth and adaptability over narrow mastery. Preparing youth for uncertainty means optionality, offering more doors to walk through. How we experience happiness used to follow a predictable rhythm. For decades, researchers across psychology and economics identified a stable “U-curve” of life satisfaction. We start off high as children, dip in early adulthood under the weight of responsibility and uncertainty, and rebound in old age once perspective softens the sharper edges of life. This was never some immutable law of nature, mind you. It was an artefact of the way our lives stacked up. Bills and childcare and career ambition tend to collide in the middle years, only to give way later to more freedom, more perspective, and more time for ourselves. These golden years still exist, at least for prior generations reporting them today. What has changed, as David Blanchflower and others now show, is the left side of the curve, which now traces more of a 45-degree angle than a U. Youth are now beginning their lives in a state of ill-being, and unless we change the conditions around them, we might see the trajectory they trace flatten out entirely. From U-Curve to Free Fall: Why Youth Can't Find Footing The data could not be clearer: Rates of anxiety, depression, and even suicidal ideation among adolescents and young adults are rising to historic highs. Edgar Morin and Anne Kerne once wrote about “poly-crisis” as an abstract condition, but for today’s youth, it is their lived reality. A childhood shaped by COVID-19’s isolation has led to an adolescence haunted by climate change headlines, geopolitical conflict, and now the uncertainty of artificial intelligence reshaping the very careers they are told to prepare for. At the very moment they are meant to be building identities and establishing agency, the ground beneath them shifts with unnerving speed. Erik Erikson described adolescence as a crucible for identity formation, but what happens when that crucible is filled with nothing but volatility and no roles for them to fill? A wealth of research shows that adversity during formative years leaves deeper scars than adversity later in life, and when the world itself feels like quicksand, it is no wonder that life satisfaction is slipping away. The U-curve once promised that life satisfaction would return with age, but even that promise might no longer hold. With uncertainty only deepening, the risk is not just a dip, but a decline that keeps steepening over time. This generation may not rebound—unless we intervene with purpose, preparing them not for stability that may never come, but for uncertainty that surely will. Teaching Survival Skills for the Unpredictable Century Uncertainty asks more of young people than we are giving them today. Our institutions are still structured for a linear world that no longer exists, beginning with degree programs that assume a straight line from school to a job turns into a career. Yet the jobs themselves are being hollowed out, first by automation, then by outsourcing, now by AI, and even the ones that remain are often left with less meaning to give. We do our youth a disservice by shepherding them into ever-narrower tracks—from elite sports to ambitious extracurriculars and hyper-specialized majors, as if life still rewards those who grind out their 10,000 hours in one domain. What looks like mastery too often ends up as sunk cost, and when the promised future job disappears, the years invested turn into years wasted. The antidote we need is fostering resilience through diversity of skills, not depth in one alone. We need more polymaths who are resilient through curiosity instead of specialists who are fragile by design. Lateral thinkers, polymaths, and those comfortable moving across domains fare better in uncertain environments. Studies in organizational psychology show that individuals with more diverse learning experiences demonstrate greater resilience, adaptability, and creative problem-solving under stress. Breadth, not just depth, is the new survival skill, and we need to get a move on with teaching it. That means exposing young people to the messy realities of the real world much earlier than we do today. We need to, for example, set them up with internships that show them work in progress rather than perfected career paths, and they deserve curricula that incentivize exploration as much as performance. The most powerful gift we can offer is optionality and the ability to open more doors, because none of us knows which ones will stay open. Change will also require us to rethink our cultural narratives around passion and performance. “Follow your passion” has become a form of performative peer pressure, where not having one at 18 is seen as a fatal blow against any career hopes one might have. Yet today, being stuck with just one passion is equally dangerous. Flourishing under uncertainty will mean normalizing the winding path, rewarding curiosity, and valuing the skill of adaptation as highly as the skill of persistence. Adapting to Life in a New World The poly-crisis world isn’t going away, but what can change is how we prepare the next generation to live within it. If the old model was to promise stability, the new model must be to cultivate adaptability. We cannot erase uncertainty, but we can equip them to thrive inside it. And if we do not, then the breaking will continue, much faster than we can mend it. Source of the article

Betwixt or Bewitched? Rethinking the “Middlebrow” with Dino Buzzati

Once upon a time, there was a journalist with “a weakness for the literature of the supernatural, magic, ghost stories, mysteries.” So begins a short story by 20th-century Italian journalist and writer Dino Buzzati, about a man who could very well be Buzzati himself. The character, who has “an abominable passion”—journalism—finds a booklet at a junk dealer’s containing a magic formula: If read aloud, it grants “a superhuman power.” That journalist may be a thing of fiction—he’s from Buzzati’s 1962 story “The Ubiquitous”—but the impulse behind him clearly is not. Buzzati, now considered a major figure in modern Italian literature, was for decades a reporter and special correspondent for the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera, where he was known for his entertaining dispatches and his stubborn belief that reality was no less uncanny than fantasy. To him, journalism and storytelling were two sides of the same coin, each a way of brushing up against the extraordinary. This eclectic approach was not without its critics, both in Italy and abroad. As one of his English-language translators, Lawrence Venuti, has noted, Buzzati’s fiction was already being dismissed in 1958 for triggering nothing more than a brivido borghese in his Italian readers. The charge came from Paolo Milano, writing for the magazine L’Espresso. This “bourgeois shudder,” Milano claimed, only offered a fleeting moment of unsettling recognition, when “even the life of a right-thinking [bourgeois] is … visited by a few ghosts.” But these ghosts, he argued, are quickly and “sagely exorcised” by Buzzati, “a writer who shares” the same “sense of caution” as the middle-class consumers of his stories. His “horror museum,” after all, is carefully curated, displaying only “risk-free emotions.” But is that really the case? What if we entertained the shudder—took it seriously, on its own terms? And how are we to do so, especially today? These questions feel even more pressing in the Anglophone world, where Buzzati’s fame has long been as elusive as the meaning of his tales. The stark contrast between his relative neglect in English and his popularity across Europe—and eventually in his native Italy—was first noted by Venuti in the introduction to Restless Nights: Selected Stories of Dino Buzzati (1983), where “The Ubiquitous” first appeared. That imbalance has now begun to shift. Since 2023, NYRB Classics has launched a translation campaign, reintroducing Buzzati’s fantastical fiction to English-speaking readers. The project includes a reissue of Joseph Green’s translation of Un amore (A Love Affair, 2023); Venuti’s new translation of Buzzati’s masterpiece Il deserto dei Tartari (The Stronghold, 2023); Anne Milano Appel’s 2024 translation of the sci-fi novella Il grande ritratto (The Singularity); and the 2025 publication of an expanded corpus of fifty stories (including “The Ubiquitous”), once again selected and translated by Venuti: The Bewitched Bourgeois. This new translation project doesn’t just revive Buzzati—it reframes him. In the 1980s, when Venuti first approached Buzzati’s short fiction in English, the goal was to import a productive strangeness—what he calls a “foreignizing” flavor—into the Anglophone literary tradition. In 20th-century Italian literature, Venuti explains in his classic The Translator’s Invisibility, the genre of the fantastic had firmly taken root through writers like Massimo Bontempelli, Italo Calvino, and Tommaso Landolfi. But it remained marginal in the British and American canons, where realism continued to dominate. Buzzati’s stories, by contrast, blend everyday settings with phantoms, spells, and surreal incidents narrated with deadpan precision. In English, they offered an avenue for unsettling the expectations of Anglophone readers and expanding the boundaries of realist writing. Meanwhile, in 2025, as a broader range of Buzzati’s short stories becomes available in English, a new kind of strangeness is being imported. The renewed target of this “foreignizing” mission seems to be middle-class or bourgeois lifestyles and tastes—along with their “shudders,” as Milano might put it—and especially the cultural machinery that upholds them: the middlebrow. The very title of the collection The Bewitched Bourgeois offers a clue. For Venuti’s choice of the French borrowing bourgeois—“a very difficult word to use in English,” as Raymond Williams once described it—to translate the Italian “borghese” is, itself, a foreignizing move. As it invokes the French sociological tradition, where “the petit-bourgeois relation to culture” has been defined by its “capacity to make ‘middle-brow’ whatever it touches,” this borrowed term also gestures toward the ambivalence—and resistance—that the “middlebrow” itself displays toward translation. “The English word,” as Diana Holmes writes, “with all its derogatory connotations, is … unmatched in any other language hence never quite translatable.” And yet its hybridity and slipperiness, and the largely shared conditions of its rise across Europe, the United States, and beyond, make the “middlebrow” quite amenable to transnational migration. Far from obsolete, the middlebrow is still widely consumed and hotly debated within and outside the academy. It carries a certain cultural stigma—think of Franzen snubbing Oprah’s Book Club—while continuing to demand attention as a serious object of study. Though often examined within national traditions—particularly Anglo-American—its defining features are, as Beth Driscoll argues, shared and transcultural: The middlebrow is middle class: participation requires education, income, and leisure. The middlebrow is aspirational, respectful of culture and keen to connect with it, while at the same time commercially oriented. …. The middlebrow is emotional, enabling cultural activity that is sentimental, empathetic, and therapeutic. The middlebrow is recreational, framed as domestic or entertaining rather than academic, and it is earnest, promoting a sense of social and moral responsibility. The term originated in 1920s Britain, when the literary magazine Punch mocked “a new type” of BBC listener with goals of self-improvement. Virginia Woolf, too, referred to a type of consumer—the “common reader” of her 1925 essay—who reads for pleasure and “is guided by an instinct to create for himself.” Over time, the label expanded to encompass not only Woolf’s common reader but also the institutions and cultural products designed to serve them—works imitative of “high” culture but stripped of formal experimentation. Buzzati’s own “Panic at La Scala” (1948) skewers these cultural pretensions: The story depicts the Milanese bourgeoisie at the opera, eager to consume a performance “certain of success, not excessively demanding, chosen from the traditional repertory with complete confidence.” It was this cultural ambivalence at best, and promiscuity at worst—what Woolf in 1942 called “betwixt and between”—that made the middlebrow so detestable to highbrow critics. In the United States, the term gained traction only after World War II. As scholars Cecilia Konchar and Tom Perrin note, “[a]ll of the best-remembered critical discussions of the middlebrow in the US date from the mid-century,” including Russell Lynes’s well-known article “Highbrow, Lowbrow, Middlebrow” (1949) and Dwight Macdonald’s polemical Masscult and Midcult (1960)—republished in 2011 by NYRB Classics, the same series now championing Buzzati (the evergreen paradox of the middlebrow…). This overlap feels more than accidental. Macdonald’s notion of “Midcult”—a hybrid form that blends popular appeal with the trappings of “high” culture—is one Venuti explicitly connects to Buzzati in his introduction to The Bewitched Bourgeois: His [Buzzati’s] steady output of feuilletons gave him the opportunity to combine elite literary traditions with popular genres, a mix that the leftist cultural critic Dwight Macdonald would have called “Midcult.” … In his stories, Poe and Kafka meet Rod Serling’s television anthology series The Twilight Zone. But how useful is it to apply an Anglo-American cultural label to an Italian writer whose literary landscape lacked a direct equivalent? If the middlebrow in English is a well-defined cultural battleground, in Italy it rather resembles one of Buzzati’s phantoms: something we sense but cannot fully grasp. Italian critics preferred terms like “letteratura di consumo” or “d’intrattenimento,” which sidestepped the anxieties “middlebrow” stirred in Anglophone debates. But just because the local intelligentsia didn’t name such anxieties, it doesn’t mean they didn’t feel them. Already in 1929, a few years before Buzzati began writing fiction, the Italian literary critic Raffaello Franchi wrote a polemical pamphlet of limited circulation that looked back on the first three decades of the century, L’europeo sedentario (“The Lazy European”). In it, he implicitly lamented the lack of a respectable middle ground between the “spectacular provincialism” of Giovanni Papini—whose Storia di Cristo (1921), published as Life of Christ (1923) in the US, became a global success—and the “snobbish modernity” of Achille Campanile, known for his surrealist puns. Far from equating this “middleness” with accessibility, however, Franchi blamed the commodified intermingling of “high” and “low” art on the very class Buzzati belonged to and would soon put center stage in his fiction: Unfortunately, there’s always some bourgeois out there ready to be bewitched [qualche borghese disposto a farsi abbagliare]—and what’s more, paying for it—as is typical in a century that’s become so commercial and difficult. These anxieties only intensified during Italy’s postwar economic boom. In Apocalittici e integrati (1964), Umberto Eco addressed the Italian culture wars—between the pessimists who rejected mass culture entirely and the conformists so immersed in it that they renounced any serious aesthetic mission—without ever naming the “middlebrow” as their possible solution. Instead, he took some of Macdonald’s concerns seriously: A certain type of Midcult, Eco summarized, “pacifies its consumer by convincing them that they have experienced an encounter with culture, so that they do not entertain any further concerns.” Walter Pedullà took this even further in La letteratura del benessere (1968), condemning Buzzati’s short stories as “sedative tales.” For Pedullà, Buzzati’s short fiction exemplified the “literature of well-being” in vogue in 1960s Italy: one that, while reflecting real progress—economic growth, increased equality, cultural democratization—was ultimately “soporific” in its lack of political engagement. Associating Buzzati with the Anglo-American category of middlebrow certainly makes sense in this light. After all, he was a member of the middle class, writing about and for the middle class. His prose, mixing the “high” with the “low,” is spare and linear, much like Hemingway’s—whom Macdonald considered the epitome of Midcult and whom Venuti took as a stylistic model for The Stronghold. Even Buzzati’s experiences as a reader leaned toward entertainment over experimentation: As he once told Yves Panafieu in an interview, he respected “the authors of detective novels far more than certain authors who have won the Goncourt Prize”—because literature shouldn’t bore. Still, there’s something about Buzzati’s middlebrow that does not quite fit the Anglophone caricature. His fiction is neither comfortable nor sentimental—it is eerie. Far from sensationalizing or distorting the real world for effect—a “Midcult” trope which Macdonald called “parajournalism” (“a bastard form, … exploiting the factual authority of journalism and the atmospheric license of fiction”)—Buzzati uses the fantastic to illuminate deeper existential and societal anxieties. Take, for example, his story “Elephantiasis” (1967). Written partly as a popularizing scientific pamphlet, partly as a news piece, it addresses a familiar obsession, recounting surreal incidents that “had a vast echo in the press, radio, and TV”—the very vehicles of middlebrow culture—as plastic-made cars, infrastructures, and even children’s toys begin to grow uncontrollably in Italy, America, Japan, and Tanzania in a not too remote 2042. Buzzati’s middlebrow is not simply “betwixt,” as Woolf would call it, but bewitched. Less a diluted compromise between “high” and “low” than a threshold between reality and nightmare, his middlebrow offers a space for enchantment and estrangement. Instead of celebrating traditional bourgeois values such as earnestness or self-improvement, Buzzati’s stories provoke existential bewilderment, as his characters become trapped in looping fables. Giuseppe Gaspari, the “bewitched bourgeois” of the homonymous 1942 story that also gives the title to the collection, epitomizes this condition. Whilst vacationing with his family, Gaspari comes across a group of boys playing war games and, out of nostalgia for a bygone childhood, decides to join them. Yet he participates with such intensity that the game suddenly becomes real, and an arrow strikes him down. “This is not absurd,” Buzzati ominously told Panafieu. Buzzati’s middlebrow doesn’t aim to reassure so much as to disorient. His stories hinge on a rupture—an uncanny vision, an unexpected visitor, a strange discovery—that suddenly reshuffles the mundane. These moments jolt characters out of their routines, breaking into what he calls the “solid bourgeois world” in “The Scandal on Via Sesostri” (1965). It’s a realm populated by “esteemed professionals” and their “irreproachable wives,” who are momentarily forced to reconsider their prerogatives—to imagine, if only for a second, alternative ways of living. That story chronicles, with the precision of investigative reportage, the unmasking of Enzo Siliri, a dead doctor and Nazi collaborator who had lived under the false identity of respected doctor Tullio Larosi. In this bewitching landscape, Buzzati probes a perplexing postwar reality, in which real-life “esteemed professionals” were being exposed as complicit in the crimes of the Axis powers. And he does so much as the fictional “Dino Buzzati” would do in the story “The Ubiquitous”: by mixing journalism with storytelling, reality with fantasy. It’s what his translator Venuti would celebrate in the 1980s as Buzzati’s “Fantastic Journalism.” Reframed as a “bewitched middlebrow,” Buzzati’s fiction re-enters literary history not as a comforting escape, but as a sharp tool for existential inquiry across geographical borders. “Appointment with Einstein” (1950), for instance, channels mid-century American racial anxieties through an Italian lens. In the story, the physicist has a surreal, disquieting encounter with a gas station attendant in Princeton—bearing “African features” and cast through the troubling stereotype of the “black devil”—who holds Einstein accountable for the moral implications of his theories, which ultimately contributed to the creation of the atomic bomb. In translation, the story gains an added layer of estrangement, forcing both Italian and American readers to reckon with history from a defamiliarized, foreignized perspective. Buzzati’s treatment of technology—the engine of mass culture—is where his fiction most powerfully unsettles traditional middlebrow sensibilities. In The Poetics of Genre in the Contemporary Novel, Roger Bellin compares the use of “borrowed science-fictional elements and topoi” in contemporary novels like Jennifer Egan’s A Visit from the Goon Squad and Spike Jonze’s Her to “an earlier form of upper mass-market literary borrowing—the middlebrow.” Yet Buzzati’s version of “techno-anxiety” is often stranger and more disruptive than this “new middlebrow,” which turns “low-postmodern pastiche” into a more palatable and heterogeneous type of commodity. In “The Time Machine” (1952), a scientist creates a device that slows down time, allowing the wealthy to age at about half the normal rate. A district called Diacosia is built around the machine—but life there soon becomes dull, insular, and disconnected from the world, until the machine malfunctions and the experiment ends in grotesque disaster. Time—simply a means to an end for the bourgeois, an end that is money—is exposed as a lost cause, belatedly recognized as irretrievable. The middle-class Buzzati firmly rejected revolutionary politics. And yet, his fiction still captures the spectral logic of a system where even time is taken for granted, devalued or commodified: a “bewitched world of capital,” as Giacomo Marramao might call it. What does it mean, then, to reintroduce Buzzati’s “foreignizing” fiction to English-speaking readers now? This isn’t just a question about genre—realism versus the fantastic—but about how and why we read. The growing availability of Buzzati’s “bewitched brows” in English brings with it an invitation to consider alternative modes of reading beyond the one that, as of 2025, still dominates Anglo-American literary criticism: close reading. This practice “persists in published criticism” and “remains a staple in the classroom,” as Rita Felski argues; it distinguishes the “tribe” of literary scholars from allegedly less alert reading communities, by a capacity “to disenchant, to mercilessly direct laser-sharp beams of critique at every imaginable object.” Enchantment—and its more disturbing kin, bewitchment—have long been left off the critical agenda, dismissed as “bad magic.” The stakes of this exclusion, Felski notes, seem even higher for cultural historians, who hold fast to the “sacred tenet that the popular consumer is an alert and critical consumer”—never a gullible one. That Buzzati himself has faced such criticism—blamed for “sedating” readers, as Pedullà put it—may help explain his long marginalization in literary studies. His fiction doubtless invites us to read for pleasure, to look at the world as “an enchanting place,” as the narrator tells a Martian diplomat in “Why” (1985). So does Felski, who compares enchantment to “a shuddering change of gear,” the jolt of returning to reality after full immersion in art (in a phrase that recasts, with a nod of optimism and irony, Milano’s earlier critique of the “bourgeois shudder”). Modern readers, Felski writes, are “bewitched but not beguiled,” aware that their experience is fictional, yet still moved by it. But in Buzzati’s world, the shift between fiction and reality is rarely this clean. It is suspension of belief that brings Giuseppe Gaspari, the bourgeois of “bewitched” fame, to death—“the price for his arduous enchantment,” the narrator comments. The twist is made even more disturbing by the story’s basis in a real event Buzzati covered as a naval correspondent in 1942. Like Gaspari, Buzzati was also watching kids playing in the woods when suddenly a loud rumble made them halt—and made him realize that perhaps, “beyond the last visible waters,” a real war was unfolding. Buzzati is acutely aware that narratives are not harmless. In “Stories in Tandem” (1970), he portrays an old doctor and the narrator taking turns inventing a story to pass the time, each picking up where the other leaves off—until they witness a real plane crash and begin blaming each other for the fictional conversations that foretold the catastrophe. Storytelling here is shown as eerie, prophetic, and never entirely innocent. He similarly plays with his readers’ expectations—and their presumed superficiality—in “The Prohibited Word” (1956), where the narrator’s friend Hieronimo refuses to utter a forbidden word, never spelled out in the story itself. “And what about my readers?” the narrator/Buzzati wonders. “Won’t they notice if they read this dialogue?” “They’ll simply see an empty space,” answers Hieronimo. “And they’ll simply think: ‘How careless. They left out a word.’” In both stories, Buzzati confronts the reader with the limits of their interpretive habits. He uses these moments to expose the consequences of our complacency—to suggest that stories, far from offering comfort, might implicate us in what we fail or refuse to notice. What do we do with the fantastic today, when so much of what once seemed unimaginable—artificial intelligence, mass surveillance, climate breakdown—is now woven into the fabric of everyday life? If the “civil world” was “eager to exterminate” the few surviving fantasies of 60 years ago, as the narrator of “The Bogeyman” (1967) warns, what can we say of our own increasingly “uncivil” world, where the boundary between fiction and reality—and journalism itself—is constantly manipulated? Buzzati wrote about ghosts, talking machines, and surreal bureaucracies. In his world, plastic grew like cancer, and stories could kill. These tales weren’t meant to comfort the middle classes; they were meant to shake them. And today, they shake us too—like a shudder. They remind us that the middlebrow, so often dismissed as safe or sentimental, can carry a sharp edge. It can unsettle, question, and estrange. Calling Buzzati’s fiction “bewitched middlebrow” is one way of reclaiming this space: not as a bland middle ground, but as a threshold where ordinary life slips into the uncanny. Reading Buzzati now matters not just because his stories are strange—and help make the canon strange again—but because they speak to the stories we still tell ourselves. His middlebrow doesn’t offer reassurance or easy answers. It demands that we keep looking. Source of the article