CAT 26 and IPMAT 26 online and offline [Indore centre] batches available. For details call - 9301330748.

Posts

The Company Quietly Funneling Paywalled Articles to AI Developers

“You shouldn’t have put your content on the internet if you didn’t want it to be on the internet,” Common Crawl’s executive director says. The Common Crawl Foundation is little known outside of Silicon Valley. For more than a decade, the nonprofit has been scraping billions of webpages to build a massive archive of the internet. This database—large enough to be measured in petabytes—is made freely available for research. In recent years, however, this archive has been put to a controversial purpose: AI companies including OpenAI, Google, Anthropic, Nvidia, Meta, and Amazon have used it to train large language models. In the process, my reporting has found, Common Crawl has opened a back door for AI companies to train their models with paywalled articles from major news websites. And the foundation appears to be lying to publishers about this—as well as masking the actual contents of its archives. Common Crawl has not said much publicly about its support of LLM development. Since the early 2010s, researchers have used Common Crawl’s collections for a variety of purposes: to build machine-translation systems, to track unconventional uses of medicines by analyzing discussions in online forums, and to study book banning in various countries, among other things. In a 2012 interview, Gil Elbaz, the founder of Common Crawl, said of its archive that “we just have to make sure that people use it in the right way. Fair use says you can do certain things with the world’s data, and as long as people honor that and respect the copyright of this data, then everything’s great.” Common Crawl’s website states that it scrapes the internet for “freely available content” without “going behind any ‘paywalls.’” Yet the organization has taken articles from major news websites that people normally have to pay for—allowing AI companies to train their LLMs on high-quality journalism for free. Meanwhile, Common Crawl’s executive director, Rich Skrenta, has publicly made the case that AI models should be able to access anything on the internet. “The robots are people too,” he told me, and should therefore be allowed to “read the books” for free. Multiple news publishers have requested that Common Crawl remove their articles to prevent exactly this use. Common Crawl says it complies with these requests. But my research shows that it does not. I’ve discovered that pages downloaded by Common Crawl have appeared in the training data of thousands of AI models. As Stefan Baack, a researcher formerly at Mozilla, has written, “Generative AI in its current form would probably not be possible without Common Crawl.” In 2020, OpenAI used Common Crawl’s archives to train GPT-3. OpenAI claimed that the program could generate “news articles which human evaluators have difficulty distinguishing from articles written by humans,” and in 2022, an iteration on that model, GPT-3.5, became the basis for ChatGPT, kicking off the ongoing generative-AI boom. Many different AI companies are now using publishers’ articles to train models that summarize and paraphrase the news, and are deploying those models in ways that steal readers from writers and publishers. Common Crawl maintains that it is doing nothing wrong. I spoke with Skrenta twice while reporting this story. During the second conversation, I asked him about the foundation archiving news articles even after publishers have asked it to stop. Skrenta told me that these publishers are making a mistake by excluding themselves from “Search 2.0”—referring to the generative-AI products now widely being used to find information online—and said that, anyway, it is the publishers that made their work available in the first place. “You shouldn’t have put your content on the internet if you didn’t want it to be on the internet,” he said. Common Crawl doesn’t log in to the websites it scrapes, but its scraper is immune to some of the paywall mechanisms used by news publishers. For example, on many news websites, you can briefly see the full text of any article before your web browser executes the paywall code that checks whether you’re a subscriber and hides the content if you’re not. Common Crawl’s scraper never executes that code, so it gets the full articles. Thus, by my estimate, the foundation’s archives contain millions of articles from news organizations around the world, including The Economist, the Los Angeles Times, The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The New Yorker, Harper’s, and The Atlantic. Some news publishers have become aware of Common Crawl’s activities, and some have blocked the foundation’s scraper by adding an instruction to their website’s code. In the past year, Common Crawl’s CCBot has become the scraper most widely blocked by the top 1,000 websites, surpassing even OpenAI’s GPTBot, which collects content for ChatGPT. However, blocking only prevents future content from being scraped. It doesn’t affect the webpages Common Crawl has already collected and stored in its archives. In July 2023, The New York Times sent a notice to Common Crawl asking for the removal of previously scraped Times content. (In their lawsuit against OpenAI, the Times noted that Common Crawl includes “at least 16 million unique records of content” from Times websites.) The nonprofit seemed amenable to the request. In November of that year, a Times spokesperson, Charlie Stadtlander, told Business Insider: “We simply asked that our content be removed, and were pleased that Common Crawl complied.” But as I explored Common Crawl’s archives, I found that many Times articles appear to still be present. When I mentioned this to the Times, Stadtlander told me: “Our understanding from them is that they have deleted the majority of the Times’s content, and continue to work on full removal.” The Danish Rights Alliance (DRA), an organization that represents publishers and other rights-holders in Denmark, told me about a similar interaction with Common Crawl. Thomas Heldrup, the organization’s head of content protection and enforcement, showed me a redacted email exchange with the nonprofit that began in July 2024, in which the DRA requested that its members’ content be removed from the archive. In December 2024, more than six months after the DRA had initially requested removal, Common Crawl’s attorney wrote: “I confirm that Common Crawl has initiated work to remove your members’ content from the data archive. Presently, approximately 50% of this content has been removed.” I spoke with other publishers who’d received similar messages from Common Crawl. One was told, after multiple follow-up emails, that removal was 50 percent, 70 percent, and then 80 percent complete. By writing code to browse the petabytes of data, I was able to see that large quantities of articles from the Times, the DRA, and these other publishers are still present in Common Crawl’s archives. Furthermore, the files are stored in a system that logs the modification times of every file. The foundation adds a new “crawl” to its archive every few weeks, each containing 1 billion to 4 billion webpages, and it has been publishing these regular installments since 2013. None of the content files in Common Crawl’s archives appears to have been modified since 2016, suggesting that no content has been removed in at least nine years. In our first conversation, Skrenta told me that removal requests are “a pain in the ass” but insisted that the foundation complies with them. In our second conversation, Skrenta was more forthcoming. He said that Common Crawl is “making an earnest effort” to remove content but that the file format in which Common Crawl stores its archives is meant “to be immutable. You can’t delete anything from it.” (He did not answer my question about where the 50, 70, and 80 percent removal figures come from.) Yet the nonprofit appears to be concealing this from visitors to its website, where a search function, the only nontechnical tool for seeing what’s in Common Crawl’s archives, returns misleading results for certain domains. A search for nytimes.com in any crawl from 2013 through 2022 shows a “no captures” result, when in fact there are articles from NYTimes.com in most of these crawls. I also discovered more than 1,000 other domains that produce this incorrect “no captures” result for at least several of the crawls, and most of these domains belong to publishers, including the BBC, Reuters, The New Yorker, Wired, the Financial Times, The Washington Post, and, yes, The Atlantic. According to my research and Common Crawl’s own disclosures, the companies behind each of these publications have sent legal requests to the nonprofit. At least one publisher I spoke with told me that it had used this search tool and concluded that its content had been removed from Common Crawl’s archives. In the past two years, Common Crawl has been getting cozier with the AI industry. In 2023, after 15 years of near-exclusive financial support from the Elbaz Family Foundation Trust, it received donations from OpenAI ($250,000), Anthropic ($250,000), and other organizations involved in AI development. (Skrenta told me that running Common Crawl costs “millions of dollars.”) When training AI models, developers such as OpenAI and Google usually filter Common Crawl’s archives to remove material they don’t want, such as racism, profanity, and various forms of low-quality prose. Each developer and company has its own filtering strategy, which has led to a proliferation of Common Crawl–based training data sets: c4 (created by Google), FineWeb, DCLM, and more than 50 others. Together, these data sets have been downloaded tens of millions of times from Hugging Face, an AI-development hub, and other sources. But Common Crawl doesn’t only supply the raw text; it has also been helping assemble and distribute AI-training data sets itself. Its developers have co-authored multiple papers about LLM-training-data curation, and they sometimes appear at conferences where they show AI developers how to use Common Crawl for training. Common Crawl even hosts several AI-training data sets derived from its crawls, including one for Nvidia, the most valuable company in the world. In its paper on the data set, Nvidia thanks certain Common Crawl developers for their advice. AI companies have argued that using copyrighted material is fair use, and Skrenta has been framing the issue in terms of robot rights for some time. In 2023, he sent a letter urging the U.S. Copyright Office not “to hinder the development of intelligent machines” and included two illustrations of robots reading books. But this argument obscures who the actors are: not robots but corporations, and their powerful executives, who decide what content to train their models with and who profit from the results. If it wanted to, Common Crawl could mitigate the damage done by those corporations to authors and publishers without making its data any less accessible to researchers. In his 2024 report, Baack, the ex-Mozilla researcher, pointed out that Common Crawl could require attribution whenever its scraped content is used. This would help publishers track the use of their work, including when it might appear in the training data of AI models that aren’t supposed to have access. This is a common requirement for open data sets and would cost Common Crawl nothing. I asked Skrenta if he had considered this. He told me he had read Baack’s report but didn’t plan on taking the suggestion, because it wasn’t Common Crawl’s responsibility. “We can’t police that whole thing,” he told me. “It’s not our job. We’re just a bunch of dusty bookshelves.” Skrenta has said that publishers that want to remove their content from Common Crawl will “kill the open web.” Likewise, the AI industry often defends its presumed right to scrape the web by invoking the concept of openness. But others have pointed out that generative-AI companies are the ones killing openness, by motivating publishers to expand and strengthen their paywalls to defend their work (and their business models) from exploitative scrapers. Promoting another dubious, feel-good idea, Common Crawl has said that the internet is “where information lives free,” echoing the techno-libertarian rallying cry that “information wants to be free.” In popular usage, the phrase is frequently stripped of its context. It comes from a remark made by the tech futurist Stewart Brand in 1984. In a discussion about how computers were accelerating the spread of information, Brand observed that “information sort of wants to be expensive, because it’s so valuable.” But, paradoxically, he said, “information almost wants to be free” because computers make the cost of distributing it so low. In other words, it’s not that information should be free—rather, computers tend to make it seem free. Yet the idea is deployed today by secretive organizations such as Common Crawl that choose which information “lives free” and which doesn’t. In our conversation, Skrenta downplayed the importance of any particular newspaper or magazine. He told me that The Atlantic is not a crucial part of the internet. “Whatever you’re saying, other people are saying too, on other sites,” he said. Throughout our conversation, Skrenta gave the impression of having little respect for (or understanding of) how original reporting works. Skrenta did, however, express tremendous reverence for Common Crawl’s archive. He sees it as a record of our civilization’s achievements. He told me he wants to “put it on a crystal cube and stick it on the moon,” so that “if the Earth blows up,” aliens might be able to reconstruct our history. “The Economist and The Atlantic will not be on that cube,” he told me. “Your article will not be on that cube. This article.” Source of the article

A Blood Test Can Now Predict a Mother’s Risk of Postpartum Depression

Scientists are learning more about this leading complication of childbirth, and treatments are improving Like many first-time mothers, Lisette Lopez-Rose thought childbirth would usher in a time of joy. Instead, she had panic attacks as she imagined that something bad was going to happen to her baby, and she felt weighed down by a sadness that wouldn’t lift. The San Francisco Bay Area mother knew her extreme emotions weren’t normal, but she was afraid to tell her obstetrician. What if they took her baby away?    At about six months postpartum, she discovered an online network of women with similar experiences and ultimately opened up to her primary care doctor. “About two months after I started medication, I started to feel like I was coming out of a deep hole and seeing light again,” she says. Today, Lopez-Rose works at Postpartum Support International, coordinating volunteers to help new mothers form online connections. About one in eight U.S. women go through a period of postpartum depression, making it among the most common complications of childbirth. It typically occurs in the first few weeks after delivery, when there’s a sudden drop in the reproductive hormones estrogen and progesterone. As scientists unravel chemical and genetic changes caused by those shifting hormones, they are discovering new ways to diagnose and treat postpartum depression, and even ways to identify who is at risk for it. The first-ever drug for postpartum depression, containing a derivative of progesterone, received U.S. Food and Drug Administration approval in 2019. That marked a new approach to the disorder. This winter, in another major advance, a San Diego-based startup company will launch a blood test that predicts a pregnant woman’s risk of postpartum depression with more than 80 percent accuracy. The product, called myLuma, will be the first commercially available test to use biomarkers—molecules in the body, in this case the blood—to predict onset of a psychiatric disorder, much in the way that blood tests can detect signs of diseases like cancer and diabetes. Pregnant women who learn they are at risk for postpartum depression could take preventive steps such as taking antidepressants after childbirth or arranging for extra support. A blood test could reduce the stigma that keeps many women from seeking help, says Jennifer Payne, a reproductive psychiatrist at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville and a lead investigator on the studies that led to the new test. She is a founder and member of the scientific advisory board for the company that makes myLuma, Dionysus Health. “If we have a blood test, it brings psychiatry down to the level of biology, which I think your average person can understand as something that needs treatment and that isn’t just in somebody’s head,” she says. Unpredictable effects of hormones Payne was a fellow at the National Institute of Mental Health in 2001 when she became intrigued by postpartum depression as a window into the onset of mood disorders. That led her to a key question: Why does the sudden drop in hormones after childbirth greatly affect some women but not others? While it’s not uncommon for women to experience transient feelings of anxiety and sadness within days of giving birth, only in some does a deeper and more persistent depression take hold. As Payne’s research evolved, she teamed up with Zachary Kaminsky, then a colleague at Johns Hopkins University, who studied the effects of estrogen on mouse brains. Kaminsky is an epigeneticist: He researches how small chemicals called methyl groups can attach to genes and affect how active they are. Environmental factors from pollution to nutrition can influence the extent of this reversible methylation. By comparing female mice given high levels of estrogen with those without it, Kaminsky found that estrogen caused specific gene methylation patterns inside cells in the hippocampus, a part of the brain that helps control mood. Those findings suggested what to look for in blood samples Payne had collected from 51 women with a history of mood disorders. The women had been tracked throughout their pregnancies and afterward, with some developing postpartum depression within four weeks of childbirth. Two estrogen-sensitive genes emerged from the research—HP1BP3  and TTC9B. More than 80 percent of the women who had postpartum depression showed a distinctive pattern of greater methylation on one gene and less methylation on the other. What’s more, the changes in the genes could be detected throughout each trimester of pregnancy, says Kaminsky, now at the University of Ottawa Institute of Mental Health Research at the Royal; he also is a co-founder of Dionysus. In other words, even early in pregnancy, Kaminsky says, “You can predict the women that are going to get postpartum depression.” Kaminsky, Payne and collaborators repeatedly replicated those findings. As reported in a 2016 paper in Neuropharmacology, they found that through the methylation patterns of those genes, they could correctly predict more than 80 percent of the cases of postpartum depression in 240 pregnant women who had no history of psychiatric disorders. In another collaboration published in 2020 in Psychiatry Research, scientists at Johns Hopkins, Emory University and the University of California, Irvine, including Payne and Kaminsky, tested blood samples from 285 pregnant women and also confirmed the findings. That epigenetic research forms the basis of the myLuma test, which also incorporates additional biomarkers that improve its accuracy, says Kaminsky. Beginning in January 2026, it is expected to become available at some doctors’ offices in three states: Florida, Texas and California. Though it isn’t yet FDA-approved, doctors are permitted to use such lab tests to help make clinical decisions. Zeroing in on steroids Not everyone with postpartum depression has these epigenetic changes, so Payne and other researchers continue to hunt for other biomarkers to understand how hormonal changes trigger postpartum depression. They are zeroing in, for example, on neuroactive steroids, which the body makes from molecules like progesterone in the brain and other tissues. One of those metabolites, called allopregnanolone, has a calming effect—it affects a receptor in the brain called GABA-A, which is known to be involved in stress reduction. Allopregnanolone rises during pregnancy and drops swiftly after delivery. Another neuroactive steroid, pregnanolone, has similar properties. A third, isoallopregnanolone, tamps down the antidepressant effect of allopregnanolone, increasing feelings of stress. In a study of 136 pregnant women published in 2025 in the journal Neuropsychopharmacology, women with an imbalance in pregnanolone and isoallopregnanolone during pregnancy were more likely to develop postpartum depression. Measuring the ratio of these chemicals in the blood could be another way to predict postpartum depression, says reproductive psychiatrist Lauren M. Osborne of Weill Cornell Medicine in New York City, who co-led the study with Payne. Allopregnanolone, meanwhile, has already proved to be a valuable tool for treatment. A synthetic version called brexanolone was developed by Cambridge, Massachusetts-based Sage Therapeutics and was approved by the FDA in 2019—the first drug approved specifically for postpartum depression. Originally provided via IV infusion, it has been replaced by an oral version, zuranolone, which was received FDA approval in 2023. These are “transformative therapies” because they work rapidly, write the authors of a 2025 article in the Annual Review of Medicine. Women at high risk of postpartum depression might even benefit from proactively taking zuranolone, though that hasn’t yet been tested, says article co-author Samantha Meltzer-Brody, a reproductive psychiatrist at the University of North Carolina who was an academic principal investigator in studies of brexanolone and an investigator in zuranolone trials. The availability of a blood test, she adds, “opens up that entire line of questioning on how do you get ahead of it, so you don’t have to wait until someone starts suffering?” There are other possible targets for a postpartum depression test. In a 2022 article in Molecular Psychiatry, Johns Hopkins neuroscientist Sarven Sabunciyan, with Osborne, Payne and Morgan Sherer, then an immunologist at Johns Hopkins, described a small study in which the types of RNA carried through blood in fatty bubbles were different in women who developed postpartum depression—both in pregnancy and afterward. In particular, there was a decrease in kinds of RNA related to autophagy—the cleansing of debris from cells. Autophagy has been linked to other psychiatric disorders. In another potential lead, Eynav Accortt, a clinical psychologist specializing in perinatal mental health at Cedars-Sinai Medical Center in Los Angeles, found a pattern of altered proteins in plasma samples of women who developed perinatal mood and anxiety disorders, a group of conditions that includes postpartum depression. This included proteins involved in neuron function and in inflammation, which is known to play a role in depression. As researchers continue to explore these possibilities, Payne is leading a large clinical trial that will provide more detailed information on the predictive value of the myLuma test. For example, it will explore the rates of false positives (women who are identified as at-risk who do not develop postpartum depression) and false negatives (women who develop postpartum depression but weren’t identified by the test). That is a necessary step toward FDA approval, which could make the test available directly to pregnant women. Lopez-Rose remembers how scared she felt in the months after her daughter was born. In those dark times, she quit her job, barely slept and was overwhelmed by negative thoughts. She had many self-doubts, but she now knows that reaching out for help was a sign that she was a good mother. Today, her daughter is 4—and thriving, as is Lopez-Rose. But a blood test, she says, would have warned her of what to look out for, “instead of it being so shocking when I was going through my depression.” Source of the article

How This Italian Town Came to Be Known as the ‘City of Witches’

Centuries ago, it was said that Benevento was a gathering place for the occult. Today, superstitions still run deep Stepping off the train in the southern Italian city of Benevento is not a particularly haunting experience, in the sense that the air on a brisk October day yields nothing other than cloud cover and fog. That this is the so-called “city of witches,” the site where women from all over the country might have flown in the middle of the night to dance around a famous walnut tree and to learn, effectively, how to be a witch, is not immediately apparent. Where the witchiness of Benevento, a city of over 55,000 with a Roman theater and Arch of Trajan from ancient times, may be most felt is in the traditions of its residents, many of whom still hold close these passed-down superstitions. Depending on whom you ask, a curse of the evil eye must still be warded off with a specific ritual involving oil and water and a traditional prayer. Leaving a broom at your door is a good way to ensure the local witches, known as the Janare, won’t sneak under the threshold—they’ll be too distracted counting the strands of straw. And if you wake to find that your horse’s mane has been braided, a Janara must have taken it for a late-night ride. Even now, when Maria Scarinzi, an anthropologist and head of education programs at Janua, Benevento’s Museum of Witches, interviews older residents about their beliefs, she finds that they hesitate to share everything for fear of retribution. “They still believe that if you name the Janara, she will come to your house at night and she will harm you in some way,” Scarinzi says. “They still believe that if I tell you that I know the formula for getting rid of maggots, you will think that I am a Janara and you’ll distance me from society.” How Benevento became the city of witches Some researchers argue that this southern Italian town, a little more than two hours by train from Rome, became known for its witches because of its unique political position. But to understand the root of the myth, we have to go back to 1428. The hunting and persecution of so-called witches was a practice that began to take root in Italy in the late 1300s, supervised and carried out in many ways by the Catholic Church. By 1542, Pope Paul III had created the Congregation of the Holy Office of the Inquisition, which tasked the church with criminalizing those who would speak against the faith. It was an amorphous crime, because any misfortune to befall a person or town could be attributed to a witch—around 80 percent of the people charged with witchcraft in early-modern Europe were women. Academics estimate that 22,000 to 33,000 witchcraft trials took place in Italy, with very few of these ending in capital punishment. Witch hunting appeared to largely come to an end by the 18th century. The first reference to Benevento as a place where witches gather dates to 1428. It comes from the transcriptions of the trial of Matteuccia di Francesco, a 40-year-old woman who was eventually sentenced to death and burned at the stake for witchcraft by the Franciscan Bernardino of Siena in the Umbrian town of Todi. From Matteuccia, we receive the famous formula, or incantation, that has since become inextricably associated with Benevento: “Unguento, unguento / mandame a la noce de Benivento, / supra aqua et supra ad vento / et supra ad omne maltempo.” Translation: “Ointment, ointment/ send me to the walnut tree of Benevento/ over water and over wind/ and over all bad weather.” During the trial, Matteuccia confesses that she spreads a cream on herself and chants to be sent to the walnut tree of Benevento, which had demonic associations and was thought to be near the river Sabato. “From that moment on, the inquisitors try to make the witches confess that they went to Benevento, because it becomes a sort of indictment,” says Paola Caruso, who has published books on the folklore of Benevento. “If they went to Benevento, then that means they’re witches.” In fact, according to Caruso, after Matteuccia’s confession, nearly all the Italian witch trials of the 15th and 16th centuries reference, in some way, Benevento as a gathering place for witches. No records exist, however, of witch trials in Benevento itself, though this could be attributed to the World War II bombing of the city’s central cathedral that destroyed much of the ecclesiastical archives, Scarinzi says. By 1640, local medical examiner Pietro Piperno penned his historical treatise on, among other things, the walnut tree of Benevento, explaining the origins of its supernatural powers. He claimed, according to Caruso, that it is not those from Benevento who participate in the late-night gathering of witches around the walnut tree—but people coming from elsewhere. In many ways, this only reinforced the link between Benevento and the witches. Caruso’s research is built on the idea that Benevento became the “city of witches” because of its political isolation. Even when surrounded by the Romans, up until the third century B.C.E., the city once called Maleventum was ruled by the Samnites. It was eventually subsumed into the Romans’ dominion, but after the fall of the Empire, by the sixth century C.E., the Lombards arrived, establishing Spoleto in Umbria and Benevento as their two southern duchies. What made Benevento unique is that, despite its association with the Lombards, it managed to remain in large part independent from centralized control until the late 11th century C.E., when it was taken over by the papacy and largely stayed under papal control until becoming part of Italy in 1860. The fact that it had retained some sense of governing autonomy for so long sowed insecurity in the political leaders of the time. “We must imagine Benevento as a very rich city, a papal city, an obligatory halfway point—you had to pass through Benevento,” Scarinzi says. “We have to imagine it also as a kind of island in what was the Kingdom of Naples—difficult to conquer with all this wealth. So how can I discredit someone? It’s what we still do today: I speak ill of that person.” The targets of this abuse were generally local women known as healers, “almost women of science,” Scarinzi says, or practitioners of what would today be called herbal medicine. These were women who knew the medicinal value of herbs like St. John’s wort, lavender and dandelion, gleaned from information passed down to them through generations. “The negativity around these women was linked to the fact that people were afraid,” Scarinzi says, “because they were women who had a power, which, in many cases, was medicine.” The modern-day legacy The Museum of Witches, located in the Palazzo Paolo V off the city’s pedestrian Corso Garibaldi, is a testament to how the customs survive in the daily lives of its residents. For a couple of decades, anthropologists have been interviewing people about the history and customs of the larger province of Benevento. Part of this effort has been to talk with the elderly—mostly those 70 years and older—to preserve the superstitions and legends of the witches before they disappear. About 10 years ago, they had enough to open a museum. “Our goal was to recount the figure of the Benevento witch—that is, who the Janara is—for the people of Benevento,” Scarinzi says. “What is this magical world today, for older people, more than anything else, who continue to perform certain practices and certain rituals?” The museum opens with a short video punctuated by the voices of residents describing how the legend of the Janare has seeped into their way of life. Artifacts show the roots of rituals. A pair of small coffee cups tells the story of how a woman could entice the man of her dreams by serving a drop of her menstrual blood in his coffee. “The belief was that, in the moment in which the woman made her proposal of love, the man had to, naturally, accept, otherwise he would die,” Scarinzi says. “It was the Janara who gave the blood and the object a power.” A woman proposing rather than a man went against the customs of the time, but therein lay the power of the witch: She could rewrite the social order. A 19th-century prayer handwritten by a young child to protect her from any potential enemies is on display. At the time, children would have donned amulets and charms to ward off evil. Another display explains how laundry hung outside to dry should be taken in by dusk for fear that evil spirits might be present after the setting of the sun. The oral histories the museum has collected shed more light on the behaviors that have grown out of these beliefs. Scarinzi learned that some local women have never been to a hairdresser, concerned that their hair would be kept and used against them in a spell. Keeping the legend alive Outside of the customs and superstitions ingrained in the culture of Benevento, there’s a capitalist reason why the legend has survived: the Liquore Strega, founded in 1860 by Giuseppe Alberti, who opened his bar in the center of Benevento. “He decided to name the product after the legend of the city where it was born,” says Kenia Palma, marketing manager for Strega Alberti, the company that produces the liquor. Strega means “witch” in Italian. It didn’t take long for Strega to become a symbol of Benevento—the marketing of the yellow-colored liqueur, made in part with saffron, juniper and mint and bearing a slightly sweet yet smooth taste, was indelibly linked to the city and its witches. The label bears an illustration of witches dancing around a walnut tree. Today, its store is the first thing you see when descending from the train station. Palma notes that, on bottles of the liqueur, the location is even written as “near the train station,” because Benevento has long been considered an important junction that connected north and south. The Alberti family worked to make Liquore Strega a symbol of Italy itself. In the 1920s, the brand enlisted well-known Futurist artist Fortunato Depero to create stylized advertisements. After the war, Guido Alberti helped to start the country’s famous literary prize, Premio Strega, named in the brand’s honor. Source of the article

GOATReads:Politics

Care Work is Necessary for Anti-Imperialist Struggle

How can we think (and rethink and rethink) care laterally, in the register of the intramural, in a different relation than that of the violence of the state? —Christina Sharpe, In the Wake: On Blackness and Being The Popular University for Gaza encampment at the University of Chicago was raided on May 7, 2024. Following a week of connection, building, and generativity, police officers invaded the physical and figurative structures we had built, ripping organizers out of tents and tearing down the protective walls surrounding them. Just hours afterward, we convened together to make sense of it all—to begin the processes of recovery and rebuilding. Through circles that met in-person and virtually in the weeks to come, my peers brought care to the forefront of our work, inviting rage, grief, hopelessness, longing, intimacy, and joy into the relationships forged during the encampment. Our encampment existed in its physical form for only eight days, but the work of caring for one another has extended far past the date on which our physical structures were destroyed by the police. Care work that was seeded within the walls of our Popular University has sprung up from the ashes of the camp. This foundation of care continues to shape the way we organize against all forms of state violence. As we collectively pursued divestment from arms manufacturers that directly facilitate settler colonial violence in occupied Palestine, we also developed and deployed principled care tactics. The history and politics of care work are inextricable from the tentacles of empire. For example, the gendered and racialized modes of commodified care that we often think of when we hear the word “caregiver” have roots in legacies of colonial and imperial exploitation. The long legacy of slavery, sharecropping, and domestic laboring in the United States is inextricably linked to the subjugation of Black American women. Caregivers in home health-care settings, nursing homes, and childcare facilities are often precariously employed and underpaid immigrant women or women of color. In this model of caregiving, marginalized care workers tend to the bodies of those insulated from economic and social vulnerability. Simultaneously, most psychotherapists and medical doctors—those who are treated as care experts—are white, hailing from socioeconomic backgrounds that allow them to pay tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars for their training. The cost to access this kind of expertise makes it extremely difficult for most of us to afford comprehensive health care and psychotherapy in the US. This is why a repositioning of care was necessary in the context of an anti-imperial encampment focused on demanding that the University of Chicago disclose investments in war, divest from genocide, and repair injustices perpetrated from Gaza to the South Side of Chicago. Far too often, care means that autonomy gets taken away from someone in need. The state’s violent role in stripping vulnerable people of their autonomy is often labeled “care” or “welfare.” The active repositioning of care as intramural at the Popular University for Gaza created opportunities for peers to care laterally for one another, rather than relying upon individuals positioned as experts or as care workers. Rather than devaluing care or maintaining the power relations that keep it financially inaccessible, our care for one another within the walls of our Popular University created a structure of mutuality and sustainability. Repositioning care as a tool available to all of us was a means of decommodifying it, of taking it out of the imperialist context in which it is normally encountered. This repositioning allowed us to deploy care as a direct and oppositional response to violence targeted at Palestinians and those who act in solidarity with them. Intramural care—care within the figurative walls of our popular university—generated new ways of relating to risk and relating to one another. As a tool for building political power, care allowed encampment members to negotiate risk together, to workshop and (re)develop strategies for sustainable organizing, and to inhabit a community with a shared commitment to mutual aid and protection. Encampments are not a new organizing tactic, nor is thinking about how to provide collective, non-hierarchal, and lateral forms of care. As the Care Collective underscores in their book The Care Manifesto: The Politics of Interdependence, treaty camps (such as the one erected at Standing Rock in the fight against the Dakota Access Pipeline) also welcomed anyone who adhered to camp values, offering care that was “designed according to need, not profit”—food, education, health care, housing—for everyone in the community. Following this legacy, the Popular University for Gaza developed a robust care team. At the Popular University for Gaza, our care team comprised of undergraduates, graduate students, neighbors, faculty, and staff. We contributed to encampment operations as medics, group facilitators, mental health workers, conflict mediators, and food and water distributors. As critical as collecting and distributing vital resources was to the encampment, our care work went beyond mere resource provision. As a social worker, I realized that developing a peer support guide might be a wise way to help campers develop strategies for maintaining the mental and emotional resources needed to keep the encampment running. This guide offered some individual-level tools for emotional regulation and grounding, and it also provided an outline for running processing/decompression circles. These circles were the first opportunity that many of us had to get to know individuals from outside of our programs, student organizations, or housing situations at the encampment. Through this peer support guide, organizers who were not experienced in professionalized care provision were invited into a relational practice, a space of connection rather than a mystified series of expert techniques. These circles were also the first space where we were able to convene after our encampment was violently raided by the University of Chicago Police Department. I also developed a therapy referral network and the launch of a 24/7 on-call peer mental health line for organizers. To have built this infrastructure outside of the confines of health insurance or state surveillance feels exciting; when we think of care laterally, we realize our own capacity to provide for one another instead of risking increased involvement with a violent state apparatus. Our collective approach to care, drawing from practices of peer support and mutual aid, was a risk-responsive approach grounded in interdependence. Among the mental health workers on our care team, it was our philosophy that anyone who wanted to run a decompression circle should be able to do so—rather than requiring a license or degree to offer support to peers at the encampment, the only requirement for running a decompression circle was to have first attended one as a participant. With this structure, mental health work was taken up by encampment community members with a wide range of ages, varied prior experiences with mental health care, and a vast array of academic and personal backgrounds. This diversity of experience among decompression group facilitators also allowed us to run affinity spaces for decompression, attending to the more specific needs that might arise among community members of color or disabled community members, for example. Collective approaches to care at the Popular University for Gaza allowed us to use risk negotiation as a core organizing strategy. When determining our collective courses of action, conversations about arrest risk were central to our strategizing. An arrest obviously has different consequences depending on things like one’s citizenship status, prior criminal-legal contact, race. In the lead-up to any anticipated police presence at the camp, we spoke to one another frankly about who among us would be able to take on more risk, and we made safety plans for those of us who were unable to risk arrest. Lateral forms of care are also what allowed organizers to sustain over a week of encampment operations; by using a safety planning worksheet (from the Peer Support Guide) in mental health circles and conversations, organizers developed a sense of who they might reach out to in crises, in moments of overwhelm, and in moments of exhaustion. By prompting one another to concretely identify the human infrastructures of caregiving surrounding us, we were better equipped to tap in and rotate out as we struggled to meet the round-the-clock practical demands associated with maintaining and protecting our Popular University. Finally, a lateral approach to caregiving allowed us to extend our community beyond the parameters of the institutionally defined University of Chicago. A community member without a student, staff, or faculty affiliation was present in the early days of the encampment, helping with construction and encampment operations. He was targeted by university police, and in response, encampment organizers mobilized jail support and a care package for him upon his return. This exchange of care—in the form of care for the encampment’s physical infrastructure and in the form of care for a community member—exemplifies a decommodified mutual aid relationship built upon respect and recognition rather than charity. In writing about the role of care at the Popular University for Gaza, I do not want to lose sight of the way that these experiments were made possible because we were not under siege. We were not subject to snipers, airstrikes, famine, or water shortages. We had the resources and safety that so many Palestinians have not had access to for months or years. As I foreground my own experiences of care, healing, and building power, I do so with the recognition that this encampment was a political formation designed to disrupt one university’s ongoing investment in genocide. But the care tactics at the Popular University for Gaza have created an infrastructure for ongoing disruption. Without care, our anti-imperial movements run the risk of replicating the dynamics of colonialism and empire, pushing feminized and non-white individuals into unrecognized care roles and reifying the expertise of the so-called “helping professionals” for those organizers financially stable enough to access them. This experiment in caring laterally for one another is a mechanism to shift the dominant culture surrounding caregiving, turning care into a central organizing approach rather than an adjunctive resource for burnt-out organizers. Despite the successes of this experiment, there were also moments of failure: we failed to develop a robust set of norms for responding to harassment within the encampment, and we failed to sustain the level of security needed to protect ourselves from an armed police raid in the middle of the night. Although this was an imperfect experiment, it is one that connected me to people I would have otherwise never known, despite our overlapping involvement in the corporate entity known as the University of Chicago. It gave me a laboratory to think and rethink intramural care. On the morning of May 7, hours after riot police destroyed the tents, art, library, mental health space, medic area, and prayer spaces of our Popular University, I defended my dissertation proposal. After watching videos of my friends and loved ones getting dragged and shoved outside of the walls we had built within the academy—walls designed to foster different ways of relating to one another here—I stepped back into the walls of the University of Chicago. As a developing scholar of the welfare state, I began my proposal hearing with an additional citation, recognizing the learning that I had done in the prior several weeks as uniquely valuable to the work I hope to do in and outside of the academy. I study care provision within and around the walls of jails and prisons, but my approach to my work is forever changed by the relations of care that I witnessed and participated in during the encampment. After my proposal defense, I walked through the quad, noticing that new patches of grass had been rolled out almost immediately in the hours after police officers invaded and destroyed the Popular University. I paused to take a photo of one patch of yellowed grass in the rectangular shape of a tent; despite their best efforts, a trace of the encampment persisted past the violent attempts to remove it all. As a means of disrupting the university’s predominant ways of being and relating—the various forms of intellectualization, silencing, and disengagement that I associate with neoliberalized higher education—the encampment’s ethic of care was not extinguished by the raid. It persists in the form of spray bottles and goggles that are distributed at actions this autumn, in the debriefing circles and therapy referrals that have continued for months since the encampment was torn down. As a means of protest and critique, this evidence of care has persisted despite the university’s attempts to exterminate it. This evidence of care demonstrates the ongoing commitment of my fellow encampment organizers: to continue using care as a tactic in our work against state violence, against empire. Source of the article

GOATReads: History

How the Industrial Revolution Fueled the Growth of Cities

The rise of mills and factories drew an influx of people to cities—and placed new demand on urban infrastructures. The period of rapid technological advancement in the United States known as the Industrial Revolution may have taken place during parts of the 18th and 19th centuries, but its impact resonated for decades and influenced everything from food, clothing, travel and housing—particularly in cities. While U.S. cities like Boston, Philadelphia, New York City and Baltimore certainly existed prior to the start of the Industrial Revolution, newly established mills, factories and other sites of mass production fueled their growth, as people flooded urban areas to take advantage of job opportunities. But that’s only part of the story. As the populations of cities continued to increase, these municipalities were faced with the challenge of how to handle the influx of people. Problems like the availability of housing, overcrowding and the spread of infectious disease had to be addressed as quickly as possible, or the newly industrialized cities risked losing their citizens and the factories that employed them. Here’s what happened. Origins of the Industrial Revolution The Industrial Revolution began in England in the mid-1700s: a few decades after the first steam-powered engines in the country were produced. The textile industry was the first to benefit from the emerging technology, like Richard Arkwright’s “water frame” (patented in 1769), James Hargreaves’ “spinning jenny” (patented in 1770) and Edmund Cartwright’s power loom (patented in 1786). Factories capable of mass-producing cotton fabric sprung up around the country. It didn’t take long for British industrialists to take advantage of the opportunities for manufacturing in the fledgling United States, and in 1793, Englishman Samuel Slater opened a textile mill in Pawtucket, Rhode Island. Using technology developed in England, as well as new additions, like Eli Whitney’s cotton gin (patented in 1794), the industrialization of America continued. Urbanization Begins in the United States What is referred to as the American (or Second) Industrial Revolution started in the second-half of the 19th century, as the country was rebuilding following the Civil War, its bloodiest conflict to date. At the same time, waves of immigrants from Europe started arriving in America in search of jobs—a large proportion of which were in factories in industrial cities. “After the Civil War, the United States gradually transformed from a largely rural agrarian society to one dominated by cities where large factories replaced small shop production,” says Alan Singer, a historian at Hofstra University in Hempstead, New York, and the author of New York's Grand Emancipation Jubilee. “Cities grew because industrial factories required large workforces and workers and their families needed places to live near their jobs. Factories and cities attracted millions of immigrants looking for work and a better life in the United States.” But the domination of cities didn’t happen overnight, according to Daniel Hammel, professor in the University of Toledo’s Department of Geography and Planning, and associate dean of the College of Arts and Letters. “Even during the Industrial Revolution, most Americans lived in the countryside,” he explains. “We were essentially a rural nation until about 1920.” Indeed, the 1920 U.S. Census was the first in which more than 50 percent of the population lived in urban areas. Even then, Hammel says, “we're not talking about massive cities; we're talking about small settlements, in many cases of 2,5000 or 3,000 people.” The 1870s also saw a rapid expansion of the country’s railroad system. Prior to that period, in order for a city to be a manufacturing center, it had to be located somewhere with access to water, like an East Coast port (like New York City or Boston), one of the Great Lakes (like Buffalo or Cleveland), a canal (like Albany or Akron) or a river (like Cincinnati or Pittsburgh). But thanks to the continued growth of the railroad, places without developed water access, like Scranton, Indianapolis and Dayton had the means to ship and receive supplies and goods. The Industrialization of Agriculture One of the byproducts of the Industrial Revolution was a shift in American farming methods, and, in turn, the amount of labor needed to work the land. “At one point, you needed a large family to be able to farm your land,” Hammel explains. “But with industrialization—particularly in the early 20th century—agricultural production became more mechanized, and we didn't need as much labor in rural areas.” That prompted (or in some cases, allowed) young adults who were no longer required on the family farm to seek opportunities in urban factories. The industrialization of agriculture also affected African American tenant farmers living in the southern states, Hammel says. “All of a sudden, landowners didn't need as many people working on their land anymore, so they moved [the tenant farmers] off of it,” he notes. “And that was, in essence, the beginning of the Great Migration. From then through the World War II era, African Americans moved in huge numbers out of the Mississippi Delta, in particular, to the Midwestern cities.” Some of the most common urban destinations included Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Kansas City, Pittsburgh and New York. More People, More Problems The Industrial Revolution caused towns to turn into cities, and existing cities to swell, both in terms of population—with new arrivals from Europe and rural areas of the United States—as well as their geographic footprint, now that they were home to factories and other buildings required in manufacturing. And while job opportunities were the main draw for most newly minted urbanites, that left them with the problem of having to find somewhere to live. For many, this meant moving into cramped, dark tenement buildings: some of which were already considered old, while others (particularly in Chicago), were hastily thrown together and of exceptionally low quality, Hammel notes. But at the same time, Hammel stresses that population density itself isn’t a problem. “There were very wealthy, very healthy people living in extremely high density,” he explains. “But if you don't have much money, the density combined with the lack of light and lack of airflow in some of these tenements was a major issue.” Specifically, as Singer points out, it was a public health issue. “Rapid, unregulated, urbanization meant overcrowding, substandard housing for working people, inadequate infrastructure (including water and sewage systems) and the spread of epidemic diseases like tuberculosis,” he notes. Gradually, as there was wider understanding of how people got sick, cities created public health departments dedicated to reducing preventable illnesses and deaths through improved sanitation, hygiene, infrastructure, housing, food and water quality and workplace safety. Though many of these areas still remain works-in-progress, these societal advancements originally grew out of necessity, when the Industrial Revolution fueled the growth of American cities. Source of the article

GOATReads: Psychology

Is narcissism really on the rise among younger generations?

A fresh investigation of vast numbers of young people from around the world has thrown up some surprising results In Metamorphoses, the ancient Roman poet Ovid describes the Thespian hunter Narcissus, whose own beautiful reflection in a pool captivated him in place until he died. This warning against vanity and excessive self-love made his name eponymous with a personality trait – narcissism. Two thousand years later, there are growing and persistent concerns in the West that, like Narcissus, the younger generations in society are becoming increasingly self-absorbed, vain and entitled. Commentators raising the alarm point to the many parents spoiling their offspring, dressing their children in shirts that say ‘Princess’, ‘Champion’ or something similar – and encouraging them to be overly confident. They highlight the countless vain posts on Instagram and other platforms where young people often appear self-centred. But is there really any truth to the idea that narcissism is on the rise or is it just a popular myth? Of course, commentary on the grandiosity of young people is hardly a recent phenomenon. In the 4th century BCE, Aristotle observed how the youth ‘have exalted notions, because they have not yet been humbled by life or learnt its necessary limitations; moreover, their hopeful disposition makes them think themselves equal to great things …’ Yet, at least on the surface, there are some intuitive grounds for thinking that something different might be going on in our era – and that narcissism might really be increasing. For instance, it seems natural to assume that interacting on social networking sites – especially from a young age – might lead to an inflated ego. Young people have grown up able to share their personal experiences with the world, alongside plenty of opportunities to embellish their everyday lives and paint a perfect picture of themselves that does not match their lived reality. Creating such ideal self-images could arguably involve the danger of becoming narcissistic. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the term narcissism is thrown around a lot on social media platforms, with all kinds of people accusing others of being self-absorbed and egotistical. Under the hashtag #NarcTok, videos identifying supposedly narcissistic behaviours and how to cope with them are trending on TikTok – and a brief scan of the site suggests most of them are filmed by and for young people as they navigate relationships with their peers. What’s more, the idea that narcissism is on the rise was lent scholarly credence in 2008 by an influential study that reported grandiose narcissism had risen significantly among college students in the United States from 1982 to 2006. Grandiose narcissism is the brash, attention-seeking form of the trait that’s distinct from so-called vulnerable narcissism, which is associated with being thin-skinned and insecure. These researchers assembled studies that used the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) to measure grandiose narcissism. The NPI presents participants with a series of statement pairs, each comprising a narcissistic and a non-narcissistic statement (such as whether they expect others to do things for them versus they prefer to do things for others), and it asks them to indicate the statement that they identify with more. Choosing the narcissistic statement more often than the non-narcissistic alternative can be interpreted as an indicator of narcissistic tendencies. Narcissism was described as responsible for the economic downturn of the emerging millennium Based on the 2008 findings, some psychologists went so far as to declare a narcissism epidemic. The media impact of this research was enormous, spawning several popular science books that lamented the ever-increasing challenges of dealing with entitled youths. In 2013, Time Magazine featured the ‘Me Me Me Generation’ on their front cover, describing millennials as ‘lazy, entitled narcissists who still live with their parents’. In this vein, narcissism was described as a new plague ravishing the youth of America and beyond, with ensuing serious repercussions that might even have been responsible for the economic downturn of the emerging millennium. Some experts claimed that the narcissistic personality traits of younger generations had given rise to overconfidence and risky behaviour, leading to unsound economic decision-making and the inevitable crash of the stock markets in 2008. It’s an intuitively plausible argument. Overconfident youths overestimating their financial knowledge and future earnings, and carelessly taking out mortgages that they could not realistically afford, may have been at least partially responsible for the subprime mortgage crisis. However, in the world of academic psychology, the 2008 findings did not receive universal acclaim. In fact, at least four articles published between 2008 and 2013 from three independent research teams, led by Jeffrey Arnett, Brent Roberts and Kali Trzesniewski, failed to replicate generational increases in narcissism. Yet these papers attracted little media attention (‘The Youth Are OK’ doesn’t make such a great newspaper story) and the advocates of the epidemic cited various methodological issues with the replication attempts, such as that they focused on students from different university campuses at different times. With the idea of the youth narcissism epidemic continuing to dominate public perception, and the scholarly debates unresolved, we (together with our colleague Paul Stickel) recently attempted to replicate the original study using the very same methodological approach, but based on a substantially larger database and time frame. The only discernible time trend was that narcissism scores have actually been decreasing We systematically assembled the entire available literature on this topic, screening almost 8,000 primary studies from several scientific literature databases and assessing the full texts of more than 4,000 of them. We ended up with the data of more than 540,000 participants, with an average age of 27 years and from 55 countries all over the world, who were administered the NPI for grandiose narcissism between 1982 and 2023. Based on this vast data set, we found no evidence for any increasing trends in grandiose narcissism across time. Not in the US, not in college students, let alone on a global scale. In fact, the only discernible time trend in narcissism scores across all investigated countries and populations was a negative one – meaning that narcissism scores have actually been decreasing. You might be wondering how we can possibly explain these decreases in narcissism, especially in light of the many supposedly narcissism-boosting aspects of modern life such as social media. But actually, empirical data gives little reason to assume that social media boosts our narcissism. On the contrary, the omnipresent necessity for a social media user to compare their imperfect self with people boasting seemingly flawless lives, appearances and experiences can have a negative effect on self-confidence and wellbeing, especially in young people. This means that social media is more likely lowering instead of increasing grandiose narcissism. What’s more, far from displaying greater entitlement, it appears prosocial behaviour has been on the rise among young people over the past decades. For instance, large-scale national surveys of incoming college students in the US found that recent participation in volunteer work increased from 66 per cent in 1990 to 84 per cent in 2008, alongside an increased desire to help others and participate in community action. Young people are also more tolerant of diversity, including differences in sexual orientations or identities, and young evangelicals increasingly endorse environmental stewardship. Consistent with these observations, antisocial behaviours have dropped in many countries. External factors may also have played a role in changing traits in beneficial ways in the younger generations, as in most Western countries psychosocial care and health services have become more accessible. Decreasing stigmatisation of seeking psychological help and increased state-subsidised assistance in more recent decades have led to more people seeking psychological treatments. Because narcissism is known to be associated with anxiety and depression (especially when someone feels criticised or humiliated), perhaps it makes sense that better awareness of mental health issues and access to treatments has helped to ameliorate narcissistic tendencies. All of the above trends are consistent with the downwards trajectory of narcissism that we observed over the past 40-plus years. In summary, there is no indication that young people nowadays are any more narcissistic than young people some decades ago. In fact, the concerns about an increasingly egotistical, self-absorbed and arrogant youth that will continue to endanger the economy appear to be unfounded and overly pessimistic. On the contrary, we have good reason to assume that young people nowadays are more ready to help, more tolerant and more prosocial in general, thus promising a positive outlook for the future. Source of the article

What is a bubble? Understanding the financial term.

An AI bubble burst could be looming We have endured the dot-com bubble and the housing bubble. And now, according to some experts, we may be in an AI bubble. As of mid-October, Wall Street is “growing louder with warnings that the artificial intelligence trade may be overheating” following “months of record gains in AI-linked stocks and corporate spending,” said Yahoo Finance. Still, “some analysts argue the market’s strength reflects conviction, not complacency, and that the AI trade, while stretched, still has fundamental backing.” Only time will tell which side is right when it comes to the potential AI bubble. But in the meantime, you can brush up on what exactly a bubble is — and what the consequences of one popping may be. What is a stock market bubble? A stock market bubble is a “significant run-up in stock prices without a corresponding increase in the value of the businesses they represent,” said The Motley Fool. Usually, this is driven by “highly optimistic market behavior,” said Investopedia. Then, when investors’ sky-high levels of optimism start to wane as they realize their hopes are not panning out, they all begin to sell off, sending stock prices tumbling and causing an abrupt contraction in the market. Take, for example, the dot-com bubble of the late 1990s: In the lead-up to this bubble bursting, “investors piled into any stock of just about any company with a website, regardless of its share price, revenue or profit outlook,” said U.S. News & World Report. Later, “when the dot-com bubble burst in 2000, the Nasdaq Composite Index dropped nearly 80% over the next two years.” What are the signs of a bubble? Surging stock prices do not necessarily indicate a bubble — assuming they are bolstered by a company’s strong performance. If, however, there is a mismatch between the information and the valuation, that could suggest a bubble. “During the height of market bubbles, prices often continue to rise even following bad news, such as earnings misses or analyst downgrades,” said U.S. News & World Report. Bubbles frequently emerge from stocks that carry a “compelling story” with a “promise to transform the world,” such as the advent of the internet, said Bankrate. This usually leads to widespread enthusiasm, with bubbles “marked by large groups of novice or amateur investors who believe experienced investors are behind the curve or simply just don’t ‘get’ the new market paradigm,” said U.S. News & World Report. How can a bubble affect investors? While bubbles can benefit investors who get in early, “many investors end up losing a lot of money during market bubbles because they don’t start buying until asset prices are already significantly overvalued,” said U.S. News & World Report. The effects of a bubble are not necessarily isolated to those who chose to invest, either. When a bubble bursts, it tends to precede a “downturn in the economy, creating a recession,” said Bankrate, which can lead to declining portfolio values and even layoffs. Source of the article

GOATReads: History

Treasure Trove of Shipwrecks Along China’s Coast Reveals How East Met West on the Maritime Silk Road

Sunken finds in the South China Sea testify to rich trade networks used over hundreds of years. The sea routes brought porcelain, tea and other goods from Asia to Africa, the Middle East and Europe On a spring day in 1848, the first Chinese junk to sail Atlantic waters arrived at the East India Docks in London. To Charles Dickens, the roughly 800-ton Keying looked nothing like a long-distance trader, instead resembling a “floating toy shop” and a grotesque “torture of perplexity.” China had no idea how to sail the seven seas, the British author argued, in typically imperialist fashion. Western thinking has for centuries clung to the belief that China’s rulers distrusted sea trade. After all, the Great Wall of China, swerving between valley, mountain and sky for some 13,000 miles, was built to keep invaders out and landlock China’s citizens in the bosom of the empire. In the 21st century, however, China is positioning itself as a civilization steeped in maritime history that equals or surpasses colonial Europe. At a 2017 forum to promote China’s trillion-dollar Belt and Road Initiative, President Xi Jinping said, “Our ancestors, navigating rough seas, created sea routes linking the East with the West, namely, the Maritime Silk Road. These ancient silk routes opened windows of friendly engagement among nations, adding a splendid chapter to the history of human progress.” China’s seafaring ways took off under the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.), when Persian merchants in the vein of the mythical Sinbad the Sailor shouldered the risks of life on the water. For the next millennnium, until the Opium Wars shattered peaceful trade relations in the mid-19th century, a Maritime Silk Road ran from northeast China to the Red Sea. Silk was just the tip of the iceberg: Cargo ships were crucial for transporting bulk goods, including porcelain, chests of tea, spices and medicines. Until recently, evidence of this sunken past was largely hidden from sight. Today, however, an array of Chinese coastal cities, from Quanzhou to Hepu, compete to be recognized as the starting point of the Maritime Silk Road. To some observers, the Maritime Silk Road is more of a modern political invention than a historic version of the land-based Silk Road, which ran from northwest China all the way to the Mediterranean coast of southeast Turkey. But stunning new shipwreck discoveries deep under China’s seas support this grand naval narrative, shedding sensational light on a mighty ocean road to rival the Great Wall. A pair of stunning Ming dynasty shipwrecks The China (Hainan) Museum of the South China Sea, which opened on Hainan Island in 2018, is a cultural gem that shines a spotlight on this rich history. The museum displays artifacts from more than 15 shipwrecks found across China. Under the Western Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.-25 C.E.), the kingdom’s southern shores became a “golden waterway” for ships sailing the Maritime Silk Road, one of the museum’s exhibitions explains. During the Song dynasty (960-1279 C.E.), trade peaked, and ships sank in ever-greater numbers. The museum’s displays trace this history and beyond, covering the period between the 10th and 19th centuries. Inside the museum, masses of porcelain and pottery are rewriting the art history and dates of ceramic styles crafted in China’s legendary kilns. Also on view are life-size stone statues from the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), representing the Daoist deities Fu, Lu and Shou (Fortune, Prosperity and Longevity). The sculptures were commissioned for ancestral halls and temples but ended up wrecked off Coral Island while heading to Chinese expatriate communities in Southeast Asia. Other displays showcase encrusted treasures, including Ming dynasty (1368-1644) copper coins and Edo era (1603-1868) Japanese gold coins. A couple of rusted iron cannons lost during naval patrols in the South China Sea in the early 18th century stand nearby. But it is the fruit of China’s most recent maritime exploration that takes pride of place in the museum. Around 93 miles southeast of the city of Sanya on Hainan Island, two mid-Ming dynasty shipwrecks, untouched by fishing trawlers or trophy-hunting divers, lie at a depth of about 4,920 feet. Discovered in 2022, the wrecks are a major breakthrough in deep-sea underwater archaeology by China, which is investing $4.7 million annually in their study. The vessels are also game changers in understanding how goods flowed in and out of China—how East met West. One ship, sunk during the reign of the Zhengde emperor (1505-1521), holds a multicolored mound of some 100,000 pieces of porcelain and metalware. The second ship, wrecked with a cargo of wooden logs when the Hongzhi emperor was on the throne between 1487 and 1505, looks less spectacular but has a unique backstory. The site mapping, cargo recovery and forthcoming excavation are the product of a collaboration between the museum, China’s National Cultural Heritage Administration, and the Institute of Deep-Sea Science and Engineering at the Chinese Academy of Sciences. As a museum exhibition explains, the “perpetually dark environment is characterized by low water temperature, immense hydrostatic pressure and extremely limited visibility.” It’s far too deep for human divers, so China deployed the Deep Sea Warrior, a 20-ton, 30-foot-long bathyscaphe submersible that took eight years to build and can spend up to ten hours underwater with a three-person crew. The submersible has recorded the Ming wrecks using high-resolution sonar and a tool that allows scientists to peer beneath the surface mud. So far, archaeologists have recovered 961 finds from the Zhengde trader, building a staggering collection of blue-and-white bowls, glazed vases, green celadon, iron-red porcelain and three-color sancai wares, says Zheng Ruiyu, head of the exhibition department at the China (Hainan) Museum of the South China Sea. The wreck is colossal, with a height difference of ten feet between jars stacked in the upper hold and bowls crated near the keel. Between these storage spaces lies a vast void created by the decay and collapse of wooden bulkhead compartments and the decomposed organic or liquid cargo once stored there. These goods might have been headed from China’s Guangdong Province to markets in Southeast Asia and buyers in the Muslim countries of West Asia, who commissioned custom-made plates for communal dining. The junk’s merchants catered to everyone from street vendors to high-ranking officials and nobles, “a multilayered market structure … demonstrating a sophisticated overseas trade strategy aimed at satisfying the needs of a broad range of social classes,” says Zheng. Blue-and-white bowls, coarsely painted with motifs such as double lions playing with a pearl, found buyers in middle-class markets. A large blue-and-white jar decorated with a scene of the mythological Eight Immortals, meanwhile, was a top-tier good “whose craftsmanship and decorative quality are in no way inferior to the treasured heirlooms in the Palace Museum,” a sprawling complex in Beijing’s Forbidden City, Zheng says. The wreck’s exquisitely designed fahua vases are also “unprecedented” in quantity and quality, he adds. The slip-trailing of piped lines of clay onto one of the vase’s surfaces created a distinct three-dimensional effect, showcasing peacocks and peonies amid a sea of clouds. A humble 38 finds have surfaced so far from the Hongzhi trader, which was mainly transporting at least 660 wooden logs. Still, the wreck fills a gap in knowledge about return voyages sailing the Maritime Silk Road back to China. “The presence of two ships, one outbound and one inbound in close proximity, proves they were following a mature and busy ancient maritime route,” says Zheng. Derek Heng, a historian at Northern Arizona University who was not involved in the research project, says that the ship’s cargo of raw materials is a missing scientific link. While ceramic, which is resistant to degradation underwater, holds “an iconic importance in global art history,” he explains, “the most valuable trade between East and West, other than gold and silver, was in natural products, including foods, spices and medicines that tend to decompose quickly in marine environments.” The roughly ten tons of logs, the longest of which measure more than eight feet, are ebony wood stacked in two parallel lines along the ship’s width. Ebony, or “blackwood,” as it was known at the time, is native to tropical Asia and Africa and “was highly prized for its jet-black color and smooth surface when polished,” says Heng. During the middle years of the Ming dynasty, he adds, Chinese furniture-making created demand for ebony, which was “all the rage among China’s literati class.” Examples included writing and painting tables used in scholars’ studios and high-ranking officials’ armchairs. China’s love of ebony wood furniture took off during the reign of the Jiajing emperor (1521-1567). The deep-sea ship lost in the South China Sea likely sank before the end of the Hongzhi emperor’s reign in 1505, making it a trailblazer predating the golden age of Chinese furniture. Deer antlers and Turbo marmoratus shells found on the Hongzhi trader are even more curious survivors of Ming-era Asiatic trade. Deer were venerated in Chinese society as symbols of longevity and prosperity, and their antler bones were used in arts and crafts. The snail shells, found everywhere from Hainan Island to Japan to the Philippines, were valued for their pearl-like shine and used in furniture inlays. The Ming dynasty’s ban on maritime trade The wrecks’ existence is all the more significant due to the widespread ban on sea trade during the Ming dynasty. In 1368, after nearly a century of Mongol rule in China, the Hongwu emperor—the founding emperor of the Ming dynasty—ascended to the throne. Born into a poor peasant family, he began his reign by resetting the clock to year one and issuing an ancestral decree “to promote frugality and constrain luxury.” He would rule through a traditional Confucian way of agriculture before business. Material desires and indulgences were curbed. To set an example for his subjects, Hongwu ordered the gold to be stripped from his royal coach. His wife, the Empress Ma, washed the family’s clothes at the palace creek. The emperor also banned overseas trade. Rocks and pine stakes blockaded harbors, and 450 naval garrisons studded the shores to stop foreign landfall. Violating the absolute ban on foreign sea trade could mean the death penalty, but some smugglers deemed the risk worth it. The mid-1500s saw an outpouring of Chinese piracy, with sailors like the enslaved outlaw Wu Ping disrupting the high seas. To keep the profits from sea trade rolling, a frenzy of wokou (a Chinese term that translates to “Japanese pirates”) pillaged the east coast of China between 1369 and 1576. Despite their name, the raiders also included Chinese people from landlocked Fujian Province, who needed seafaring to survive. “Pirates and traders are the same people,” said Tang Shu, a provincial officer in Fujian, in 1516. “When trade flourishes, pirates become traders, and when trade is banned, traders become pirates.” The deep-sea trader wrecked with porcelain cargo in the South China Sea sailed under the Zhengde emperor, in the early 15th century, when the sea ban first began to be relaxed. Zhengde knew the prohibitions harmed China. But it wasn’t until 1567 that officials lifted the maritime ban. Almost overnight, piracy vanished. At Huzhou in eastern China, Portuguese galleons were crammed with more than 1,000 cases of fine fabrics per ship and sent to Spanish-controlled Manila in the Philippines, the Spanish Empire’s leading trans-Pacific port. A Chinese cargo ship wrecked in 1580 and discovered off the coast of Indonesia in 2010 is believed to hold a staggering 500,000 artifacts, chiefly Chinese porcelain. To feed the West’s obsession with porcelain, some one million souls worked day and night at 3,000 kilns in smoky Jingdezhen, in Jiangxi Province. As the imperial scholar Wang Shimou put it in the late 16th century, “Tens of thousands of pestles shake the ground with their noise. The heavens are alight with the glare from the fires, so that one cannot sleep at night. The place has been called, in jest, ‘The Town of Year-Round Thunder and Lightning.’” The rise of maritime trade under the Song dynasty While the Ming dynasty resonated in the West as an age of great enlightenment (Ming literally means “bright”), it was under a predecessor, the Song dynasty, that the greatest leap in China’s maritime history took place. In the mid-12th century, inflation spiked due to the loss of northern China to Jurchen horsemen. The Song government went bankrupt after spending the vast majority of its yearly revenue on the military. Desperate action was needed to create a new order out of the wreckage of the old. The answer lay beyond the Great Wall, in maritime trade. Under the Emperor Zhezong, between 1085 and 1100, 600 ships were built annually. By 1259, the city of Ningbo alone was home to nearly 8,000 junks and fishing boats. Song ships sailed with game-changing technology, particularly the south-pointing needle compass that appeared earlier in China than it did in the West. The Song dynasty scholar Wu Tzu-Mu knew that for ships leaving the imperial silk factories of Hangzhou, the sea was “the abode of mysterious dragons and marvelous serpents. At times of storm and darkness, they travel trusting to the compass alone. … If there is a small error, you will be buried in the belly of a shark.” The Italian merchant Marco Polo saw firsthand how the new breed of ocean junk, built with up to 60 cabins for merchants’ privacy and crewed by as many as 300 sailors, had space for the equivalent of 6,000 baskets of black pepper. By the late 11th century, up to 13 watertight compartments in a single ship stopped delicate goods from spoiling. The technology was more reminiscent of the supposedly “unsinkable” Titanic than the medieval world. The West only caught on to this knowledge in the 1780s, when Benjamin Franklin suggested in a letter that Westerners adopt the Chinese practice of dividing “the hold of a great ship into a number of separate chambers by partitions, tight caulked, so that if a leak should spring in one of them, the others are not affected by it.” England claimed the invention of the watertight bulkhead as the brilliance of Sir Samuel Bentham in 1795; the engineer’s wife later admitted that his eureka moment was borrowed from the boats he saw along the Shilka River on Russia’s border with northeast China. A wreck featured prominently in the China (Hainan) Museum of the South China Sea shows how the technology was pioneered in Song China 750 years before the Titanic set sail. Known as the Huaguangjiao One wreck, the ship probably began its final voyage around 1162, in the port of Quanzhou in Fujian, the start of the Maritime Silk Road during the Song dynasty. Quanzhou was home to an estimated 200,000 people and was considered by many merchants of the time to be the greatest harbor in the world. During its journey, the Chinese junk found itself trapped among the Xisha Islands, known by Europeans as the Paracel Islands. The labyrinth of small islands, reefs and sandbanks in the South China Sea was notorious by the 17th century as “dangerous ground” for wrecking Western ships. The junk spiked its keel on the razor-sharp Huaguang Reef. Piles of ceramics, iron bars, copper goods and coins came to rest at a depth of nearly ten feet. They lay forgotten there for the next eight centuries. Local fishermen stumbled onto the wreck in 1996. A formal excavation, conducted by marine archaeologists assembled from across China in 2007, eventually recovered more than 10,000 artifacts and 511 wooden hull timbers. The wreck site, the team discovered, had already been severely damaged. “The site’s surface was scattered with broken porcelain shards and coral concretion,” says Zheng. “Illegal looting had dealt a devastating blow to the site. Bulkheads were pried open, planks torn away and there was even evidence of explosives being used. The looters’ violent methods caused irreversible damage far beyond what could be caused by normal fishing activities like trawling.” By good fortune, the bottom of the hull survived, pressed against the reef for a length of roughly 55 feet and a width of 23 feet. Careful study brought to life a remarkable story. The keel and bulkheads matched the Fujian style of oceangoing ship, known in the Song dynasty for its hull, which was flat on the top and “sharp as a blade” on the sides, according to Zheng. Fujian junks—built with 80 percent pine wood—were reinforced with five to six layers of planking, which was needed to withstand damage from saltwater clams known as shipworms. The planks were fastened with iron nails and sealed with pine resin. Ten watertight bulkhead compartments boosted the ship’s resistance to sinking, albeit unsuccessfully in this case. The ship’s cargo of blue-and-white porcelain, celadon and brown-glazed porcelain, bowls, plates, boxes, pots, bottles, jars, and urns represented “inexpensive yet well-made goods,” says Zheng. They “reflect a model of mass-produced, standardized production, indicating that the overseas market at the time was dominated by mass consumption rather than luxury goods.” One key find, a white celadon bowl painted with the words “made by Pan Sanlang in Ren Wu Year,” dated the ship to the 32nd year of the Song Emperor Gaozong’s reign: 1162. This telltale artifact, as well as other objects recovered from the wreck, is proudly displayed in the China (Hainan) Museum of the South China Sea. The Huaguangjiao One wreck has “milestone significance in the history of Chinese underwater archaeology,” says Zheng. “It is, to date, the only ancient ship in China’s ‘far-sea’ waters to be fully uncovered, mapped, dismantled and recovered by a Chinese team.” The legacy of the Maritime Silk Road The wealth of underwater discoveries made in recent years leaves no doubt that China’s maritime influence has long been overlooked. As a Spanish Dominican missionary stationed in China observed in 1669, “There are those who affirm that there are more vessels in China than in all the rest of the known world. This will seem incredible to many Europeans, but I, who have not seen the eighth part of the vessels in China, and have traveled a great part of the world, do look upon it as most certain.” In antiquity, a single ship could stow more goods than three caravans of camels trudging along the desert Silk Road. When it came to bulk transport and speed, the sea was the only option, as the sprawling cargoes of the deep-sea South China wrecks show. Starting this fall, and continuing over the next three years, China plans to excavate, recover and display some 10,000 additional artifacts from the two wrecks. “A series of major archaeological discoveries and high-profile publicity and exhibitions have captured the public’s attention,” says Zheng. Underwater archaeology, he adds, has transformed “from a mysterious professional field into something accessible. … Shipwrecks and their cargoes of exquisite porcelain and other goods are seen as a microcosm of the prosperous ancient Maritime Silk Road and powerful proof of our ancestors’ development and use of the oceans in the South China Sea and beyond.” What else remains to be found? According to Zheng, some experts estimate that perhaps 100,000 ships sank off China’s coast after the Song dynasty ended in 1279. More conservative calculations suggest that around 2,000 to 3,000 are preserved as wrecks, ready to resurface for study. “The potential for future discoveries in Chinese underwater archaeology is immense,” Zheng says. And now, with exploration plunging into deep seas, he adds, “This ‘final frontier of archaeology’ holds limitless potential.” Source of the article

What True Wealth Looks Like

Money can make you happier, but only if you don’t care about it. Many stressed-out people are attracted to eastern meditation, believing that it will give them relief from their “monkey mind” and lower their anxiety about life. Unfortunately, the monkey usually wins because people find the mental focus required for meditation devilishly hard. On a trip last year to India, I asked a Buddhist teacher why Westerners struggle so much with the practice. “You won’t get the benefit from meditation,” he said, “as long as you are meditating to get the benefit.” You might call this the “meditation paradox,” and it seemed like the most Buddhist thing I had ever heard. But when I thought about it more, I realized that the teacher’s epigram held a deep truth about a lot of life’s rewards: You can only truly attain them when you are not seeking them. Consider the relationship between money and happiness, about which you’ve no doubt received mixed messages your whole life. On the one hand, your grandmother probably taught you that money can’t buy happiness. On the other, today’s dominant culture insists that it can. So who’s right: grandma or the zeitgeist? The meditation paradox provides the answer: both. Money can buy happiness—as long as you don’t try to buy happiness. Social scientists have long studied whether money raises well-being. The conventional answer from economists is yes, at least up to a point. The most famous study supporting this came in 2010 from two Nobel laureates who calculated that various measures of life satisfaction increase with a person’s income up to about $75,000 ($112,000 in today’s dollars), at which point very little benefit is derived from extra money. Since then, this finding has been partly contested by scholars such as Matthew A. Killingsworth, who showed in an excellent study using a much larger data set that the happiness plateau generally occurs at a higher income level. According to psychologists, the answer to the money and well-being question is a bit different: The cash-happiness quotient depends more on the type of relationship you have with money than the actual amount of money you have. Researchers writing in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology in 2014 demonstrated this mechanism by looking at materialism, defined as “values, goals, and associated beliefs that center on the importance of acquiring money and possessions that convey status.” Analyzing 259 data sets on the subject, they found that materialistic values are negatively correlated with overall life satisfaction, mood, self-appraisal, and physical health. Instead, these values were positively associated with depression, anxiety, compulsive buying, and risky behaviors. That’s what your grandma was talking about. We can be even more precise when we look specifically at the reasons people give for why they earn their money. According to a 2001 article in the same journal, psychologists found no negative association between well-being and acquiring money for the fundamental purposes of security or supporting your family. The problem comes from wanting to earn money for four particular motives: making social comparisons, seeking power, showing off, and overcoming self-doubt. Put simply, if you are striving to get rich to feel superior to others, or because you’re trying to boost your self-worth, your efforts will lower your happiness. These findings reinforce what I have written about in the past: that your well-being depends on how you spend your money. Buying possessions generally does not increase happiness, whereas spending money either on experiences enjoyed with loved ones or to get more free time does reliably raise well-being. This makes intuitive sense about the type of person who will get a flashy watch or a fast car to make their point, rather than rent a nice place to spend a quiet week away with their soulmate. So the research suggests that money follows a version of the meditation paradox: It’s good for your well-being as long as you don’t seek money because you believe wealth will enhance your well-being. This in turn suggests three positive changes that you can make. 1. Interrogate your financial motives. If this essay has alerted you to the fact that your motives for earning money matter for your happiness—and that making a lot of money is important to you—you may be asking yourself why. Take some time to consider what images enter your mind when you imagine reaching your financial goals. Do you see yourself being admired or envied by others? Do you feel as though you’ve made it, and are finally worthy of approval? These images might reflect your motivations, but they are terrible for your well-being. (Another point to bear in mind: If your financial motives are indeed social comparison and self-worth, you will never reach your financial goals, because you will never have enough money to satisfy these needs.) Simply recognizing your true motives and choosing better ones—such as “I earn money to support the people I love the most”—will start you on a better path. 2. Take a vow of poverty—or at least modesty. Francis of Assisi, the 13th-century Italian Catholic mystic and founder of the Franciscan order of Catholic priests and monks, began his life as a wealthy nobleman. His enlightenment came in his early 20s, when he had a vision in which he was called to give away all of his riches and live in poverty. This became the basis of his order, which he claimed would bring great joy to its members. “Blessed be my brother who goes out readily, begs humbly, and returns rejoicing,” he is said to have proclaimed to a member of his order. I won’t ask you to live in poverty and turn to begging, but one small way to detach yourself from money-based social comparison (and earn a bit of Franciscan rejoicing instead) is to renounce consumption of the most opulent items you might buy. For example, instead of choosing the priciest, most ostentatious car you can afford, purchase one that is down a few rungs in price and status. I try to practice this; I won’t claim it as a path to sainthood, but it has helped remind me that my economic success does not represent who I am. 3. Spend quietly. And what should you do with your leftover discretionary money? Here’s a useful answer for happiness: Spend it on experiences with people you love—without being showy about it—and on meaningful activities. So, for instance, go away for the weekend with a friend or partner and make a point of not posting a single picture of your getaway on social media, because that will probably lower your enjoyment of the experience. In fact, consider not taking any pictures, and instead resolve to be fully present, because that will surely enhance the experience. One last idea, returning to the Buddhist tradition: In Zen, the meditation paradox is commonly illustrated using koans, which are riddling statements or puzzling epigrams that monks are taught to contemplate to help them move beyond logical thinking and reach a deeper understanding of life’s meaning. Here is a koan of my own devising that might capture the broader point in this essay: A man became rich by getting rid of his gold. The superficial message of this aligns with the research that has shown how giving away your money to worthy causes raises your happiness. That’s fine and good. But ponder this koan more deeply, and see what it tells you. Ask what you consider gold—not just money, but any asset, talent, or strength you might be tempted to display, to demonstrate your worth to yourself and others. List those things that set you apart. Then contemplate how you could use them in a way that is not self-aggrandizing but that brings blessings to the world, and watch your fortune grow. Source of the article

The Feminist Who Inspired the Witches of Oz

The untold story of suffragist Matilda Gage, the woman behind the curtain whose life story captivated her son-in-law L. Frank Baum as he wrote his classic novel Every living generation has been petrified by The Wizard of Oz. Early in the 1939 film, a cranky neighbor riding her bicycle through a tornado suddenly transforms into a witch. She soars off on her broomstick, tilting her head back and screaming with laughter as her cloak billows out behind her.  The 1900 book by L. Frank Baum, The Wonderful Wizard of Oz, inspired the film’s theme of good and evil sorcery. All the witches in the story have magical powers. They can fly, materialize at will, and see all things far and near. But while the Witches of the North and South are kind and supportive, the Witches of the East and West are seen as evil. “Remember that the Witch is Wicked—tremendously Wicked—and ought to be killed,” the Great Oz bellows to Dorothy as she heads off to the west.  The backstories of the Wicked Witch of the West and Glinda the Good are the subject of the upcoming movie Wicked, based on Gregory Maguire’s 1995 novel and Winnie Holzman and Stephen Schwartz’s 2003 stage musical. The witch, who is unnamed in The Wizard of Oz, has a name in Wicked: Elphaba, an homage to the initials of L. Frank Baum. (His first name, which he rarely used, was Lyman.) But the real-life backstory of the witches of Oz is just as fascinating. It involves a hidden hero of the 19th-century women’s rights movement and the most powerful woman in Baum’s life: his mother-in-law, Matilda Electa Joslyn Gage.  It was likely at Gage’s urging that Baum began submitting his poems and stories to magazines. Gage even suggested putting a cyclone in a children’s story. But she was a notable figure in her own right. As one of the three principal leaders of the women’s rights movement, along with Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Gage was known for her radical views and confrontational approach. At the Statue of Liberty’s unveiling in 1886, she showed up on a cattle barge with a megaphone, shouting that it was “a gigantic lie, a travesty and a mockery” to portray liberty as a woman when actual American women had so few rights. After male critics branded Gage as satanic and a heretic, she became an expert on the subject of witch hunts. Her 1893 manifesto Woman, Church and State chronicled the five centuries between 1300 and 1800 when tens of thousands of human beings, mostly women, were accused of witchcraft and put to death by fire, hanging, torture, drowning or stoning. In one gruesome scene, she described 400 women burning at once in a French public square “for a crime which never existed save in the imagination of those persecutors and which grew in their imagination from a false belief in woman’s extraordinary wickedness.” Gage died two years before the publication of The Wonderful Wizard of Oz, a story that produced the most enduring image of female wickedness in American history. But Baum also introduced the world to a different kind of witch. It was the beautiful and benevolent Glinda, likely inspired by Matilda herself, who showed Dorothy that she always held the power to return home. Born March 24, 1826, Gage grew up as Matilda Joslyn north of Syracuse, New York, the only child of Helen Leslie and Hezekiah Joslyn, the town physician. The couple gave their daughter an unusual middle name, Electa—a Greek word that meant “elected” or “chosen one.”  Hezekiah Joslyn was a freethinker who taught his daughter that wisdom comes through one’s experiences. Freethinkers of 17th-century Europe challenged church authority, demanding the end of medieval witch hunts. Many of those backing the American Revolution also called themselves freethinkers, including Thomas Paine, whose 1776 pamphlet, Common Sense, helped instigate independence from England.  Gage’s parents were staunch abolitionists whose home was a station on the Underground Railroad. Escaped enslaved people hid under the floorboards of the kitchen. Gage was home-schooled in Greek, mathematics and physiology. At age 15, she set off for the Clinton Liberal Institute, a boarding school that promised an education free of religious dogma. At 18, she married Henry Gage, a merchant and store owner, and they settled in the Syracuse suburb of Fayetteville, where three of their four children were born in the 1840s. Their youngest daughter, Maud, arrived in 1861.  Haunted by injustice, Gage only grew fiercer in her thinking. She was furious at an America failing to live up to the ideal of liberty for all expressed in the Declaration of Independence. She was unable to leave her children at home to travel 60 miles to the inaugural 1848 National Women’s Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, New York. But by 1852, when the third convention came to city hall in Syracuse, she was ready to speak her mind to the crowd of 2,000. “There will be a long moral warfare before the citadel yields,” Gage proclaimed. “In the meantime, let us take possession of the outposts. … Fear not any attempt to frown down the revolution.”  Afterward, Gage found herself locked in a war of words with religious leaders. One local minister called the convention “satanic,” while another denounced the women as “infidels.”  After the Civil War, the leaders of the movement formed the National Woman Suffrage Association, with Stanton as president, Anthony as secretary and Gage as chair of the executive committee. On Election Day, 1872, Anthony was arrested and jailed for voting. Gage was by her friend’s side for the trial near Rochester. The judge was “a small-brained, pale-faced, prim-looking man,” Gage wrote. “With remarkable forethought, he had penned his decision before hearing” the case. The resulting publicity made Susan B. Anthony a household name.  In 1876, a six-month celebration of the centennial of the Declaration of Independence attracted nearly ten million Americans—roughly a quarter of the entire U.S. population­—to Philadelphia. The activists petitioned President Grant to make a declaration of their own at the opening ceremony. The request was denied. That wouldn’t stop the suffragists.  At the ceremony, Anthony, Gage and three other leaders lurked behind the press section. Gage clutched a three-foot scroll and marched through the crowd of 150,000 people toward the podium. She passed the document to Anthony, who then placed it into the hands of the master of ceremonies, announcing: “We present to you this Declaration of the Rights of the Women Citizens of the United States.” Before the guards could catch them, the suffragists quickly handed out printed copies of the declaration to the reporters in the crowd: “The women of the United States, denied for one hundred years the only means of self-government—the ballot—are political slaves, with greater cause for discontent, rebellion and revolution, than the men of 1776. … We ask justice, we ask equality, we ask that all the civil and political rights that belong to citizens of the United States be guaranteed to us and our daughters forever.” Afterward, the women decided to record their struggles in a book, which eventually ballooned to comprise six volumes. The mammoth undertaking took a decade to finish. Most of the labor was split between Stanton and Gage, who completed the History of Woman Suffrage, Volume I, in 1881.  The book’s publication coincided with Maud Gage’s freshman year at Cornell, the first Ivy League university to become coeducational. Maud resided in the female dormitory, Sage College, a magnificent brick building that still stands on the Ithaca, New York, campus. One Saturday evening in February 1881, the young women of Sage were treated to a lecture by Maud’s mother on the subject of women’s suffrage. “A large audience greeted Mrs. Gage on Saturday evening,” reported the Cornell Daily Sun. “Her discourse was well received.”  Still, Maud had a difficult time at school, left out of social clubs and mocked by college boys. “Her name is Gage and she is lively,” her schoolmate Jessie Mary Boulton wrote home in a letter. “A girl scarcely dares look sideways here. I came to the conclusion long ago that Cornell is no place for lively girls.” When Boulton co-founded a new chapter of Kappa Alpha Theta, the first sorority on an Ivy League campus, Maud was not on the membership rolls. Boulton also joined the Lawn Tennis Club for ladies, again without Maud. But fate would have its way: The 20-year-old student shared her room with a girl from Syracuse named Josie Baum, who introduced Maud to her cousin Frank, a 25-year-old bachelor, at a family party on Christmas Eve. At the time, Frank Baum was a failed chicken farmer who was writing and starring in his own touring stage plays. The two hit it off, and after a proper period of Victorian-era courtship, Baum proposed marriage. At first, Gage called her daughter “a darned fool” for wanting to drop out of college to marry this itinerant playwright and actor, a most disreputable profession. Yet a wedding date was set for November 1882. With a string quartet playing, the wedding took place at the Greek Revival home of the Gage family. “The promises required of the bride were precisely the same as those required of the groom,” noted a local newspaper, in apparent surprise. (At the time, it was standard for the bride, but not the groom, to promise to “love and obey.”) Now a designated New York State commemorative landmark owned and operated by the Matilda Joslyn Gage Foundation, the Gage House serves as a museum and dialogue center hosting programs on social justice led by progressive scholars and activists. One of its advisory board members, feminist icon Gloria Steinem, called Gage “the woman who was ahead of the women who were ahead of their time.” After the September 1884 death of her gentle and solemn husband Henry—an inspiration for the character of Uncle Henry in The Wizard of Oz—Gage threw herself even more fully into her work. Among many other projects, she’d been collaborating with Anthony and Stanton on the first two volumes of the History of Woman Suffrage. In the mid-1880s, though, Anthony came into some money and took over the rights to the series herself, paying Gage and Stanton for their shares.  Meanwhile, Gage was increasingly frustrated by the more conservative leanings of her fellow suffragist leaders. Anthony, in particular, had strong ties with the temperance movement, which blamed alcohol for the bad behavior of men but also had an overtly religious vision for national politics.  Gage disapproved of the alliance between the women’s suffrage movement and the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, which began in 1874. In 1890, Gage left the National Woman Suffrage Association and founded the Woman’s National Liberal Union, which fought for the separation of church and state and drew attention to the religious subjugation of women.  As for the young Baums, Frank and Maud rented a house in Syracuse and had the first of their four sons. The new dad brought in steady money as the superintendent and sales manager for Baum’s (pronounced Bom’s) Castorine Company, a family business that created lubricants for buggies and machinery, a firm that still operates out of Rome, New York. Despite the outfit’s success, Baum grew bored. Yet he would never forget his days selling cans of oil, making the item a must-have for the Tin Woodman, who always needs a few drips to avoid rust.   Gage corresponded regularly with her son and two other daughters who had settled in the Dakota Territory, joining half a million other Easterners catching “Western fever.” As Baum heard about their lives, he yearned for a more adventurous one. Relocating with his family in 1888 to the new “Hub City” of Aberdeen, in what became South Dakota, he established a novelty shop on its main street called Baum’s Bazaar. The store failed in just 15 months, as Baum misjudged the clientele, focusing on frivolous toys and games and impractical items like parasols and fancy wicker. “Frank had let his tastes run riot,” wrote sister-in-law Helen, who picked up the leftover inventory for $772.54 but turned her family’s store, renamed Gage’s Bazaar, into a success by selling things people actually needed. Around the time Baum closed the store in December 1889, Matilda Gage blew in from the East to visit. She’d stay with the Baums every winter for the rest of her life. By early spring, Gage decided that she’d be remaining for the rest of the year. She and her band of suffragists convinced legislators to hold a referendum in the new state of South Dakota on the right to vote for women.  Baum put his remaining cash into another distressed business, buying the weakest newspaper in a town that had several bigger ones. His first editorials for the Aberdeen Saturday Pioneer were high-minded. “The key to the success of our country is tolerance,” he wrote. “The ‘live and let live’ policy of the Americans has excited the admiration of the world.” Volunteering as secretary of Aberdeen’s Women’s Suffrage Society, Baum argued that a law giving women the vote was more likely out there, as the West was new and open-minded. Gage barnstormed the state as Baum published editorials: “We are engaged in an equal struggle,” Baum wrote. In the West, he added, “a woman delights in being useful; a young lady’s highest ambition is to become a bread-winner.”  This inclusive spirit was often found in Baum’s early editorials. But on November 4, 1890, everything he advocated was shot down in the election. Baum had written a clever poem endorsing the town of Huron as the new state’s capital. The voters chose Pierre. And at the end of the day, the male voters of South Dakota broke 2 to 1 against the right of women to vote. Aberdeen had also just faced a drought and massive crop failure that crushed its economy. Failing farmers and merchants were heading back East or on to other boomtowns out West, leaving Baum with worthless credit slips and unpaid expenses. That drought was felt even more harshly 150 miles away at Standing Rock, the Sioux reservation, where the community of several thousand began to suffer from starvation. As part of a well-documented propaganda campaign fueled by the U.S. military, newswire reports warned that an uprising and massacre of the people of Aberdeen was coming. At first Baum tried keeping his readers cool and sensible about this “false and senseless scare.” On November 29, he wrote: “According to the popular rumor, the Indians were expected to drop in on us any day the last week. But as our scalps are still in healthy condition, it is needless for us to remark that we are yet alive.” Baum lambasted his rival newspapers for printing the worst of the propaganda and racism in order to sell newspapers. “Probably papers who have so injured the state by their flashy headlines of Indian uprisings did not think of the results of such action beyond the extra sale of a few copies of their sheets,” Baum continued in his November 29 editorial.  When U.S. officials ordered the arrest of Chief Sitting Bull in mid-December, newspapers all over the country reported that violence was likely to break out. Baum got caught up in the issue. “A man in the East can read the papers and light a cigar and say there is no danger,” he wrote, “but put that man and his family on the east bank of the Missouri, opposite Sitting Bull’s camp … he will draw a different picture.”  After police invaded Sitting Bull’s camp on December 15 and shot him as he was trying to escape, wire reports went out far and wide, and Baum printed the headline on December 20: “Expect an Attack at Any Moment. Sitting Bull’s Death to Be Avenged by a Massacre of Whites in the Near Future.” In this same issue, Baum printed his first of two racist editorials. Dehumanizing the Native Americans as “whining curs” and “miserable wretches,” he called for “the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians.” On December 29, as many as 300 Sioux men, women and children camping by a creek called Wounded Knee were shot dead by U.S. soldiers. Baum’s editorials put him on the wrong side of history.  There’s no known written record of Gage’s response to this incident. She was living with the Baums at the time, so any exchanges she had with Frank would have happened face-to-face. But his editorials were certainly at odds with her own views. She had the utmost respect for Indigenous communities. After paying several visits to an Iroquois Confederation north of Syracuse, she had concluded that the sexes there were “nearly equal,” and “never was justice more perfect, never civilization higher.” In 1893, she would become an honorary member of the Wolf Clan of the Mohawk Nation and, at the ceremony, receive the name of Ka-ron-ien-ha-wi, roughly translated as She Who Holds the Sky.  By January 1891, Baum seemed to have lost almost everything, including his integrity. His newspaper business collapsed. At the age of 34, he had no job, no career, no prospects, only a damaged reputation. That spring, the Baum family moved to Chicago, where Frank got a job working for the city’s Evening Post. In this new chapter of his life, he accompanied his mother-in-law to lectures, séances and other gatherings. In September 1892, he became a member of a group called the Theosophical Society. Founded in New York City, the society was led by the Russian mystic Madame Helena Blavatsky. Matilda, a freethinker like her father, had joined the society at a conference in Rochester, New York, in March 1885. The brew of Theosophical beliefs appealed to Gage—the ancient wisdom of Hinduism and Buddhism, combined with other mystical ideas like mediumship and telepathy—and all of it with an emphasis on universal human rights and living a life of nonviolence in both word and deed. A mission statement published by the group’s founders in 1882 defined Theosophy as “a Universal Brotherhood of Humanity, without distinction of race, creed or color.” Gage called Theosophy the “crown blessing” of her life.  Baum was especially interested in Theosophy’s description of the astral plane, a world of emotion and illusion where one’s “astral body” could go for a supernatural experience reached through mental powers. An 1895 book called The Astral Plane: Its Scenery, Inhabitants and Phenomena would become so popular in the family that three copies would circulate among the Baum and Gage households. In 1893, Gage published Woman, Church and State, her most influential work. Gage called it “a book with a revolution in it.” The 450-page volume put forth the provocative view that church and state had been suppressing women for centuries. The book was banned by her nemesis, Anthony Comstock, a U.S. postal inspector and the secretary of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, who called it “salacious” and declared he would bring criminal proceedings against any person who placed it in a public school or sent it through the U.S. mail.  Gage cited passages from the King James Bible, such as “though shalt not suffer a witch to live” (Exodus 22:18), showing the link between the preaching of religion and accusations of witchcraft. She traced this misogyny back to the Garden of Eden with the tale of Eve, the trickster serpent and the forbidden fruit. “A system of religion was adopted which taught the greater sinfulness of women,” she asserted, “and the persecution for witchcraft became chiefly directed against women.”  As this view gained traction within the church, Gage wrote, “a witch was held to be a woman who had deliberately sold herself to the evil one.” Anything could be used as evidence of witchcraft—possessing rare knowledge, having an unusual “witch mark,” suffering from mental illness, owning black cats, the use of herbs for healing, performing black magic, or having an ability to float or swim. But “those condemned as sorcerers and witches, as ‘heretics,’ were in reality the most advanced thinkers of the christian ages,” Gage wrote. She was especially moved by an 1883 gathering in Salem, Massachusetts, for descendants of Rebecca Nurse, one of the best-known women put to death in the Salem witch trials of 1692. Nurse was a 70-year-old woman with eight children and, as Gage wrote, “a church member of unsullied reputation and devout habit; but all these considerations did not prevent her accusation … and she was hung by the neck till she was dead.” Gage was promoting her new book when she visited the 1893 Columbian Exposition, a spectacular world’s fair in Chicago. Her son-in-law was covering the sprawling event as a reporter, and he wrote about the light pouring through the walls of windows of the white buildings, so bright that people purchased colored eyeshades from vendors. This detail would later reappear in The Wonderful Wizard of Oz, where all the residents of the Emerald City wear green eyeshades. “Because if you did not wear spectacles the brightness and glory of the Emerald City would blind you,” Baum would write in the novel. Indeed, the Oz novel’s illustrations would be sketched by William Wallace Denslow, who was drawing splendorous images of the fair’s fanciful architecture for another Chicago paper. One day, Gage visited the exposition’s Woman’s Building and encountered statues immortalizing her old colleagues Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Seeing the statues only increased her ire at her old colleagues for aligning with the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union. She also felt undervalued as a writer, and she harbored suspicions that Anthony had taken funds from a joint account to pay her own exorbitant travel expenses. “They have stabbed me in reputation, and Susan, at least, has stolen money from me,” she wrote in a July 1893 letter to her son, Thomas. “They are traitors, also, to woman’s highest needs.” Gage herself was falling into poverty. The cost of publishing and promoting her new book had exceeded its earnings, and she was now in debt. “I like an active life and one with freedom from money troubles,” Gage wrote. “I like to be independent in every way. But fate or Karma is against me.”  In February of 1895, Gage came across a writing contest in the children’s magazine The Youth’s Companion offering a prize of $500 for the best original story. The rich sum (equivalent to more than $18,000 today) seized her attention, and she considered her daughter Helen and son-in-law Frank the family’s best writers. While there are no known records of her in-person conversations with Frank, she likely shared the same ideas she sent Helen in a letter. “Keep in mind it is not a child’s paper but a paper for youth and the older members of the family,” she wrote. “The moral tone and literary character of these stories must be exceptional.”  She encouraged them to write “not narration or passages from history, but stories,” which she defined as tales with “a dramatic arc from the beginning to the end.” Gage went so far as to suggest a topic: “If you could get up a series of adventures or a Dakota blizzard adventure where a heroic teacher saves children’s lives.” Or, she added, “bring in a cyclone,” perhaps recalling a true twister story of a house rising off its foundation that Helen had written in the Syracuse Weekly Express in 1887. Above all, Gage added, create “fiction which comes with a moral, without however any attempt to sermonize.”  There’s no evidence that Baum entered that particular contest, but around that time, he began a new routine. He’d moved on to a new day job as a traveling salesmen of fine china for Pitkin & Brooks. Every evening, especially when he was away at hotels, he’d write down ideas in a journal. Soon, Baum began submitting his tales and poems to newspapers and magazines. At first, Baum kept track of his rejection letters in a journal called his “Record of Failure,” a title that could have described his whole business career, too.  But in early 1896, Baum started receiving acceptance letters for his short stories. In January 1896, the Chicago Times-Herald published a story of his titled “Who Called Perry?” In February, the same paper published his story “Yesterday at the Exposition,” which imagined a world’s fair in Chicago nearly 200 years in the future. His first national magazine story was called “The Extravagance of Dan” and published in the National magazine in May 1897.  Once his submissions started getting accepted, the stories kept coming, typically turning real life into the poetic. With both earnings and confidence rising, Baum expanded his vision to two successful books for children, Mother Goose in Prose (1897), a collection of short stories based on traditional nursery rhymes, and Father Goose: His Book (1899), a series of original nonsense poems. In October 1899, he got a story called “Aunt Hulda’s Good Time” into the magazine first suggested by his mother-in-law, the prestigious Youth’s Companion. For the first time, the Baums were able to afford a stately home, a Victorian on Humboldt Boulevard wired with electric lights and featuring a covered front porch where Baum would tell stories to his sons and the neighborhood children. He maintained a close relationship with his mother-in-law. “Frank came in and kissed me goodbye, as he always does,” wrote Gage. “He is very kind to me.” Gage was staying with the Baums in Chicago when she was confined to bed with pain in her lungs, throat and stomach. “We all must die, and I pray to go quickly when I leave,” she wrote in an 1897 letter. “I would a thousand times prefer Black Death to long-term paralysis. … The real suffering comes from lack of knowledge of real things—the spiritual.”  In Washington, D.C., thousands of activists were gathering for a convention to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Seneca Falls conference. Unable to attend, Gage penned a final speech that was read aloud at the convention by a friend. Gage proclaimed what she called “the femininity of the divine” and shared her belief that one day “the feminine will soon be fully restored to its rightful place in creation.”   Gage also wrote messages to her loved ones and colleagues as part of her last will and testament. “I am one of those that are set for the redeeming of the Earth,” Gage wrote to Baum. “I am to live on the plane that shall be above all things that dishearten. … When I receive instructions from those who are in the Invisible, I will receive them willingly, with a desire to put them into practice to the extent of my spirit light and potency.”  Matilda Electa Joslyn Gage died on March 18, 1898. Her four-paragraph obituary in the New York Times reported her death was caused by “apoplexy,” an old medical term for a stroke but also meaning a state of extreme rage. Following a small ceremony for her mother in Chicago, Maud left her husband behind with their four sons and transported the urn of her mother’s remains east, to be interred by the old house in Fayetteville alongside her father’s grave.  This is when the magic happened. The story “moved right in and took possession,” Baum later said. The inspiration came at the twilight of a winter’s day when he saw his sons and their friends returning home from playing in the snow. “It came to me right out of the blue,” he said. “I shooed the children away.” Word paintings came out through his pencil onto scraps of paper: A gray prairie. A terrifying twister. A mystical land ruled by both good and wicked witches. A trio of comical characters who join a girl on her quest, a journey to a magical city of emeralds controlled by a mysterious wizard. “The story really seemed to write itself,” he told his publisher. Yet at first, Baum hadn’t settled on a name for his main character. In June 1898, Maud’s brother and wife welcomed a girl they named Dorothy. Maud enjoyed visiting them in Bloomington, Illinois, that summer, but the baby became ill and started running fevers. On November 11, only 5 months old, Dorothy Louise Gage died. She was “a perfectly beautiful baby,” Maud mourned. “I could have taken her for my very own and loved her devotedly.” In Baum’s writings, the girl from Kansas took on the name Dorothy, with a last name, Gale, that was perhaps a double reference to the gale-force cyclone and the family name of Gage.  His mother-in-law also lived on through the story. She’d believed strongly in mental manifestation, insisting that people could accomplish anything through the power of their minds. When Helen’s daughter Leslie fell ill in 1895, Gage had prescribed positive thought energy: “Take five minutes three or four times a day to think of health and when you go to bed at night keep saying to yourself ‘I am well.’ Grandma knows by experience that a great deal of good comes from concentration of thought.” As a woman who spent her whole life urging women to have confidence in themselves, Gage would have been pleased to see her views taking on a central role in the story of Oz. Dorothy’s silver shoes (in the movie ruby slippers) are not magical in themselves. It’s only after a lesson from Glinda on the power of thought that their magic can work. As the good witch Glinda tells Dorothy: “All you have to do is to knock the heels together three times and command the shoes to carry you wherever you wish to go.”  Source of the article